中国の弾圧―理解できぬ言論封じ

May 20, 2014
EDITORIAL: What on earth is the Xi administration afraid of?
中国の弾圧―理解できぬ言論封じ

June 4 will mark the 25th anniversary of China’s bloody crackdown on pro-democracy protesters, mainly students, at Beijing's Tiananmen Square.
　民主化を求める学生らが弾圧された中国の天安門事件から、来月で四半世紀になる。

Lawyers and scholars who gathered for a small meeting to commemorate the event have recently been detained one after another.
　この事件について考える小さな集まりを開いた弁護士や学者が最近、次々に拘束された。

In an unacceptable move, the administration headed by President Xi Jinping is stepping up its efforts to suppress freedom of speech and public gatherings. We strongly urge the Chinese government to release all the detainees immediately.
　言論や集会への締めつけを強める習近平（シーチンピン）政権の振るまいは、看過できない。ただちに全員を釈放するよう強く求める。

Even today, people in China are not allowed to speak about the 1989 incident in public. The Chinese government, which does everything to maintain the Communist Party’s monopoly on power, still rejects the people’s thirst for democracy, just as it did a quarter of a century ago.
　今なお中国では、あの事件を公の場で語ることができない。共産党一党支配を続ける政権は当時と同様に、民主化の要求を受け入れようとしない。

The military opened fire on the Tiananmen protesters as it tried to quash the demonstration, killing many of them. Beijing is trying to place a gag on free speech to cover up this inconvenient historical fact.
　鎮圧に乗りだした軍が国民に銃を向け、多数を殺害した。そんな不都合な歴史にふたをするための言論封じでもあろう。

Chinese intellectuals and the families of the victims have been calling on the government to reveal the truth about the incident and reassess it.
　知識人や遺族らは、真相の解明や再評価を求めてきた。

A dozen or so people gathered for a private meeting held in Beijing on May 3.
今月３日に北京で開かれた会合も、その活動の一つとして、十数人が集まった。

Among them, five central figures, including Pu Zhiqiang, a prominent civil rights lawyer, and Xu Youyu, a liberal intellectual, have apparently been detained. Contact with them has been lost since May 4.
　そのうち人権派弁護士の浦志強氏、自由主義知識人の徐友漁氏ら、中心的な５人が翌日以降連絡がつかなくなっている。

The fact that Pu and the others were rounded up immediately after the gathering indicates that security authorities had been constantly watching their movements.
　会合直後に摘発したという事実は、当局が常に浦氏らを監視していたことをものがたる。

They have been apparently charged with “creating a disturbance.” But it is hard to understand how such a small private gathering can be regarded as a “disturbance.”
　容疑は「騒ぎを引き起こした罪」だとされる。この内輪のささやかな集まりがなぜ「騒ぎ」なのか、理解に苦しむ。

For many years, Pu has been working hard to improve the human rights situation in China. Pu’s biggest achievement so far is his successful campaign for the abolition of the so-called re-education through labor system, which was announced by the Xi administration late last year.
The controversial system, commonly known as "laojiao," was used to detain people for political education through labor for long periods without an open trial.
　浦氏は長年、人権の改善に尽力してきた。最大の功績は、裁判なしに拘束、長期労働させる「労働矯正制度」を昨年末、習政権に撤廃させたことだ。

The program, which dates back to the era of Mao Tse-tung, had also been used to suppress free speech. Pu has long been calling for its abolition. This background has made his detention all the more shocking.
　毛沢東時代以来のその制度は言論弾圧にも使われ、浦氏はずっと廃止を呼びかけてきた。それだけに今回の拘束は大きな衝撃を与えている。

In addition, prominent journalist Gao Yu, a former reporter for Xinhua news agency who was once involved in the Tiananmen movement, has gone missing. Some other domestic and foreign journalists have also been detained.
　ほかにも、天安門の運動に加わった経歴のある元新華社記者の高瑜氏が行方不明になっており、別の内外の報道関係者も複数拘束されている。

Human rights groups and research institutes around the world have issued statements voicing concern about these moves.
　こうした事態に憂慮を深める声明が、世界の人権団体や研究組織から相次いでいる。

A spokesperson for China’s Foreign Ministry has rejected the international criticism, saying that since China is a nation under the rule of law, any violation of Chinese law is punished according to the law.
　中国外務省報道官は「中国は法治国家である。中国の法律に触れれば、法によって処罰される」と反論している。

But does a country that detains people who only gathered for discussions deserve to be called a nation ruled by law?
　しかし、ただ集まって語り合っただけの人びとを捕まえるような国が法治国家の名に値するだろうか。

Beijing’s abuse of the legal system to silence dissent has only been getting worse. In April, a Chinese appellate court upheld the four-year prison sentence for prominent legal scholar and rights advocate Xu Zhiyong. He was convicted of “gathering a crowd to disturb public order.” Xu has been leading a grass-roots New Citizens’ Movement, which calls for the protection of people’s rights based on the Constitution.
　司法による言論弾圧の動きは強まるばかりだ。憲法に基づく権利を求めた「新公民運動」の主導者、許志永氏は先月、「公共の秩序を乱した罪」で懲役４年が確定した。

What on earth is the Xi administration afraid of? Its adamant determination not to allow any political organizations or dissenting voices that challenge the Communist Party’s grip on power can only be considered a sign of its lack of self-confidence.
　習政権はいったい、何を恐れているのか。共産党以外の政治組織も主張も一切認めぬ、かたくなな態度は、自信のなさを示しているとしか思えない。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 20

インフラ老朽化 橋とトンネルの点検を着実に

The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:13 pm, May 19, 2014
Safety inspections for antiquated bridges, tunnels urgently needed
インフラ老朽化　橋とトンネルの点検を着実に

Inspections of aging infrastructure such as bridges and tunnels are urgently needed to promptly work out and implement safety measures. This is a challenge that weighs heavily on local governments around the country.
　老朽化する橋やトンネルを点検し、迅速に安全対策を講じなくてはならない。全国の自治体にとって重い課題だ。

Effective from July, the Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism Ministry will make it obligatory for bridges and tunnels under the administration of prefectural governments as well as those managed by city, town and village municipalities to receive safety checks every five years. Local governments are supposed to assess the safety of bridges and tunnels in four stages, and take countermeasures corresponding to the respective stages.
　国土交通省は７月から都道府県道や市町村道にある橋やトンネルを５年ごとに点検するよう、各自治体に義務付ける。自治体は橋やトンネルの安全性を４段階で自己評価し、レベルに応じた対策に取り組む。

If a structure is judged as being in a “state requiring emergency measures,” with impediments to its proper functions or having an extremely high possibility of impediments, the rules laid down by the ministry call for the local government concerned to carry out swift repairs and impose necessary traffic regulations.
　構造物の機能に支障が生じたり、その可能性が著しく高かったりする「緊急措置段階」と診断された場合は、迅速な修繕や通行規制を実施するルールだ。

Up to now, there have been no criteria of safety inspections common to all local governments, such as frequency of inspections and safety evaluation methods. The central government’s action is proper, as it is aimed at obliging local entities to carry out safety inspections and assessments uniformly to resolve the problem of decaying infrastructure.
　自治体には共通の点検基準がなく、検査の頻度や、安全性の評価方法はまちまちだった。政府が点検や安全診断を一律に自治体へ課し、老朽化対策を進めるのは妥当と言えよう。

What is problematic in this connection is that damage to and deterioration of infrastructure, or social overhead capital, such as bridges and tunnels, many of which were built during the period of rapid economic growth, will certainly worsen rapidly from now on.
　懸念されるのは、高度成長期に整備された橋やトンネルといったインフラ（社会資本）の損傷や劣化が今後、急速に進むことだ。

About 40 percent of bridges throughout the country and about 30 percent of tunnels will be more than 50 years old in 10 years from now.
　完成から５０年以上が経過する施設は１０年後、全国の橋で約４割、トンネルで約３割にも達する。

It should be noted that it is not the central government but local governments that are in charge of administering 90 percent of the nation’s 700,000 bridges and 70 percent of the 10,000 tunnels. Local entities must lose no time in buckling down to the task of dealing with aging infrastructure.
　特に自治体は、全国に約７０万ある橋の９割、約１万に上るトンネルの７割を管理している。自治体の老朽化対策は待ったなしだ。

Scarcity of engineers

Infrastructure safety measures taken so far by local governments are inadequate.
　これまで自治体の安全対策は十分だったとは言い難い。

A fact-finding survey the ministry conducted in the wake of the collapse of part of the ceiling of the Sasago Tunnel of the Chuo Expressway in Yamanashi Prefecture in December 2012 revealed that 30 percent of local governments with tunnels under their jurisdiction had never conducted a safety inspection of any tunnel before the Sasago Tunnel collapse.
　２０１２年１２月に起きた中央自動車道・笹子トンネルでの天井板崩落事故を受けて、国交省が実態を調査したところ、事故後になって、初めてトンネルを点検した市町村は約３割に達した。

The reluctance of local governments to carry out repairs on aging infrastructure may be due to a shortage of funds and inadequate technical capabilities.
　多くの自治体が老朽化対策に消極的な背景には、予算や技術力が乏しい事情がうかがえる。

Therefore, the central government’s action simply to oblige local governments to conduct regular safety inspections and come up with safety evaluations may not produce the desired results.
　国が自治体に定期点検や安全性の評価を義務付けるだけでは、対策の効果は十分に上がるまい。

It is necessary for both the central government and local entities to redouble their efforts to secure sources of funds to deal with aging infrastructure and beef up collaboration with private-sector businesses.
　政府・自治体は、老朽化対策の財源確保や民間企業との連携強化に工夫を凝らす必要がある。

It may be inevitable to close down bridges and tunnels that have seen little use in depopulated areas to reduce the number of those to be inspected and repaired to cut expenditures.
　過疎化でほとんど利用されていない橋やトンネルは閉鎖して点検や修繕の対象を絞り込み、費用を抑制することもやむを得ない。

If a number of city, town and village governments got together in issuing contracts to repair aging infrastructure, they would be able to boost the efficiency in budgetary appropriations.
複数の市町村が企業に修繕を一括発注できれば、予算の効率的な執行に役立つだろう。

Meanwhile, local governments also suffer from a serious shortage of engineers to maintain and repair infrastructure. About 50 percent of the country’s town governments and 70 percent of village governments have no engineers capable of inspecting bridges.
　自治体の技術者不足も深刻だ。橋を点検できる職員のいない町は全国の５割、村は７割に上る。

Is it not possible for the central government and businesses to send engineers to local entities plagued by manpower shortages and have them carry out inspections and repairs on infrastructure that require a high level of skill?
　国や企業の技術者を人材難の自治体に派遣し、高度な技術を要する点検・修繕を代行させる仕組みが考えられないか。

Due consideration also should be given to training courses to improve the technical capabilities of local governments so they can carry out infrastructure maintenance and create an ability-based qualification system.
　自治体の技術力を高める研修を充実したり、資格制度を新設したりする方策も検討に値しよう。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 19, 2014)

５・９％成長 駆け込みの反動減を乗り切れ

The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:12 pm, May 18, 2014
Govt, BOJ must tide over economy’s downturn in the wake of sales tax hike
５・９％成長　駆け込みの反動減を乗り切れ

The national economy’s higher-than-expected growth in the first three months of the year is due primarily to a last-minute surge in demand ahead of the three-percentage-point consumption tax hike to 8 percent in April.
　消費税率引き上げ前の駆け込み需要で押し上げられた高成長である。

To prevent business activities from stalling because of a slowdown of personal consumption in reaction to the tax hike, the government and the Bank of Japan must, without fail, make every possible effort to properly handle economic policy.
　増税後の反動による消費減少で景気失速を招かぬよう、政府と日銀は政策運営に万全を期すべきだ。

According to a report the Cabinet Office released Thursday, the nation’s gross domestic product during the January-March quarter climbed sharply at an inflation-adjusted annual rate of 5.9 percent, and 1.5 percent compared with the previous quarter.
　内閣府が発表した１～３月期の実質国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）は、前期比１・５％増、年率換算で５・９％増の高い伸びとなった。

The broad expansion in consumer spending served as a major driving force for the jump in GDP—the total value of goods and services produced across the country. Prior to the rise in the tax rate to 8 percent from April 1, there was a large increase in spending on durable goods such as automobiles and home appliances.
　牽引けんいん役は、個人消費の大幅な増加だ。４月から消費税率が８％に上がる前に、自動車や家電などを購入する動きが強まった。

Corporate capital spending, another pillar of domestic demand, also registered a remarkable growth in the first three months of this year, up 4.9 percent from the previous quarter, the highest in about two years. The boost in corporate confidence in capital investment, with companies’ business performances helped by the economic tailwind, including the yen’s weakening, can safely be claimed as a factor favorable to putting the national economy on a full-fledged growth track led by the private sector.
　内需のもう一つの柱である企業の設備投資も、前期比４・９％増と、約２年ぶりの大幅な増加を記録した。円安などを追い風に業績を回復した企業の投資マインドの改善は、民間主導の本格成長への好材料と言える。

It is feared, however, that the pace of growth may plunge, at least temporarily, after April because of the adverse impact of the consumption tax increase. It is imperative to minimize the economic pullback.
　だが、４月以降は消費増税の影響によって、経済成長にいったんブレーキがかかることが懸念される。景気の落ち込みを最小限にとどめる必要がある。

The government should make efforts to steadily implement a fiscal stimulus spending program worth ¥5.5 trillion that was incorporated into a supplementary budget for fiscal 2013.
　政府は、２０１３年度補正予算に盛り込んだ５・５兆円規模の経済対策の、着実な執行に努めてもらいたい。

Reliance on fiscal spending, however, should be limited. Swift recovery of private-sector demand, such as consumption, is of key importance.
　ただし、財政出動に頼り続けるわけにはいかない。消費など民需の速やかな回復が大切だ。

Fall in exports worrying

Such economic indicators as sales at department stores and purchases of new cars logged negative month-on-month growth figures in April. Although some analysts say the shrinkage is within their expectations, there can of course be no room for undue optimism.
　百貨店の売り上げや新車販売台数は、４月にマイナスに転じた。落ち込みは想定内とする見方もあるが、油断は禁物だろう。

It is necessary to improve the employment and income environment for the populace to shore up domestic demand. The news in this connection is encouraging in that many businesses raised regular monthly pay in the spring by taking into account requests from the administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to increase the wages of employees.
　雇用・所得環境をさらに改善して、需要を下支えすることが求められる。安倍政権の要請もあり、多くの企業が今春、ベースアップに踏み切ったのは心強い。

Whether the moves for higher wages will spread to employees of small and midsize companies, as well as part-timers and other nonregular workers, to ensure robust growth is a truly big challenge.
　賃上げの動きを中小企業の社員やパートなどの非正規労働者にも波及させ、力強い成長を実現できるかどうかが課題である。

The aggregate of after-tax profits of companies listed on the First Section of the Tokyo Stock Exchange in the settlements of accounts for the year ended March 31 this year were double the figure for the previous year. Decisions by high-performance companies to continue to give back some of their profits in the form of higher wages and bonuses for employees will certainly help expand consumption, which will in turn lead to increased corporate profits, thus creating a driving force to realize a “virtuous economic cycle.”
　今年３月期決算で、上場企業の税引き後利益の合計は、前年から倍増した。好業績の企業が今後も利益を給与やボーナスで社員に還元することが、消費を増やし、それが企業利益を押し上げる「好循環経済」の原動力になる。

It is also important for private enterprises to determine carefully what lines of business should be considered promising to accelerate their capital investment.
　民間企業が将来性のある事業をしっかり見極め、前向きの投資を加速させることも重要である。

What is worrisome, however, is that the nation’s exports have yet to recover despite of the weakness of the yen.
　気がかりなのは、円安が定着しているのに、輸出が思うように回復していない構造的な問題だ。

Given that the growth of China and emerging economies in Asia has slowed down, the uncertainties of future prospects of demand from abroad have been deepening alarmingly.
　中国やアジア新興国の成長率が鈍化し、外需の先行きは一段と不透明になってきた。

It is time for Japan to more effectively use its assets for creatively manufacturing products, including the “one-only” skills that are particular to many small and midsize businesses and a mountain of patents major companies currently possess but have not used, so as to enhance this country’s global earning power.
　中小企業の持つオンリーワン技術や大企業に埋もれる多数の特許など、日本のもの作りの財産を有効活用し、「世界で稼ぐ力」を今こそ高めなければならない。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 18, 2014)

辺野古移設―これが熱望した祖国か

May 17, 2014
EDITORIAL: Heavy-handed approach to Futenma can only antagonize Okinawa
辺野古移設―これが熱望した祖国か

An extraordinary situation concerning the proposed relocation of the U.S. military’s Futenma base is unfolding in Okinawa, which marked the 42nd anniversary of its reversion to Japan on May 15.
　この１５日に本土復帰から４２年を迎えた沖縄県で、米軍普天間飛行場（宜野湾市）の移設をめぐって、異常ともいえる事態が進行している。

The Japanese government is aggressively pushing ahead with preparations for carrying out its plan to relocate Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in the crowded city of Ginowan to the sparsely populated Henoko district of Nago, another city in the prefecture.
　名護市辺野古への移設をめざす政府が、強引に工事の準備に取りかかっているのだ。

On April 11, the Abe administration took its first step toward building the new base when the Okinawa Defense Bureau, the Defense Ministry’s local bureau in charge of implementing the plan, submitted six requests with Nago Mayor Susumu Inamine. One of the requests was for use of the Henoko fishing port as an open storage yard for construction materials.
　まず動きがあったのは４月１１日。政府の担当部局である沖縄防衛局が工事に先立ち、資材置き場として使う辺野古漁港の使用許可申請など６件の申請書を、名護市長宛てに提出した。

The move was made abruptly without any advance consultation. Officials at the defense bureau brought the applications into the Nago city office just before the end of the office hours. Some of the application documents were left with the wrong departments.
　それは事前調整もなく突然のことだった。防衛局職員が持ち込んだのは市役所の閉庁間際。提出先を間違え、他の部署に置いて帰った書類もある。

The documents unilaterally set a May 12 deadline for replying to the requests, although there is no legal basis for such a deadline. There were also many errors in the documents, such as omissions.
　文書には、根拠のない「回答期限」が一方的に設定されていたほか、記載漏れなどの不備が目立った。

Although the Nago municipal government asked the bureau to resubmit the applications, the bureau has refused to do so, saying the documents were in order.
　名護市は再提出を求めたが、防衛局は「適正だった」と拒んだまま。

The unilaterally set May 12 deadline has passed, but the bureau remains intent on forging ahead with the construction plan while assuming that its requests have been turned down by the city.
期限とした５月１２日は過ぎた。防衛局は許可が得られなかったものとして、計画を進めるという構えを崩さない。

Bewildered by the bureau’s attitude, the official in charge of the matter at the Nago municipal government said, “Since the applications don’t meet the formal requirements, we can’t start reviewing them.”
　市の担当者は「申請書の形式を満たしておらず、審査に入れない」と戸惑う。

In January, when Prime Minister Shinzo Abe spoke about the plan to move the Futenma air base to the Henoko district, he said, “We intend to proceed with the plan in a sincere manner while trying to win the understanding of the local communities.”
　普天間飛行場の辺野古移設について、安倍首相は１月に「地元の皆様のご理解をいただきながら、誠意を持って前に進めていきたい」と語った。

But the reality belies his words. There has been no sign of good faith in the way the administration has been dealing with the matter.
　ところが、現状は見ての通り。誠意のかけらもない。

The heavy-handed approach the government adopted appears to be an open challenge to Mayor Inamine, who was re-elected in January by running on a campaign to stop the relocation of the Funtenma base to Nago. After his re-election, he pledged to block the start of the construction of the new base by using his powers as the mayor.
　１月の名護市長選で移設反対を訴えて再選され、「権限を行使して着工を阻止する」と表明した稲嶺進市長に挑むような、強硬姿勢だ。

The government plans to start drilling into the seabed for necessary investigations as early as June with an eye on beginning reclamation work next spring.
　政府は６月以降、海底ボーリング調査を開始し、来春にも埋め立て工事に着手する予定だ。

However, the government has offered no convincing answers to concerns about possible major negative effects on the environment and people’s lives. It is feared that in addition to causing noise and other nuisances to local residents, the runways of the envisioned base, which would extend over water from the U.S. military's existing Camp Schwab, would also have a serious impact on the marine ecosystem that nurtures dugong, a rare marine mammal designated by the government as a protected species, and a coral reef community.
　しかし、国の天然記念物のジュゴンやサンゴの群落など、近海の豊かな生態系への影響や騒音など、環境や生活に大きな支障が出るという心配に、政府は納得いく説明をしていない。

If it wants to win the “understanding of the local communities,” the government needs to respond head-on to these concerns.
　「地元の理解」を得るには、まず地元の心配に正面から答えなくてはならない。

There has been growing support for Okinawa’s opposition to the base relocation plan among intellectuals and politicians overseas. American film director Oliver Stone, for instance, has issued a statement opposing the project.
　米国の映画監督オリバー・ストーンさんらが移設反対の声明を出すなど、海外の知識人や政治家の間に、沖縄への理解が広まりつつある。

In an effort to convince the U.S. public of the unfairness of the relocation plan, Inamine left for a trip to the United States on May 15.
米国世論に移設の不当性を直接訴えたいと１５日、稲嶺市長が渡米した。

On the same day, Abe announced that the administration will start considering a change of the government’s interpretation of the Constitution to make it possible for Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense.
　同じ１５日、安倍首相は集団的自衛権の行使容認の検討を表明した。

Does this controversial initiative represent the nation to which Okinawa wanted so eagerly to return when it was occupied by the U.S. military and denied the benefits of the pacifist Constitution?
それは、平和憲法の及ばない米軍占領下、沖縄が復帰を熱望した祖国の姿だろうか。

The stern-faced government that is forging ahead with the plan to relocate the base within the prefecture in the face of strong local opposition cannot embody the country to which Okinawa wanted to belong.
　まして、反対いまだ根強い県内移設にひたすら突き進む、こわばった顔つきの国が、望んだ祖国であるはずもない。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 17

集団的自衛権―戦争に必要最小限はない

May 16, 2014
EDITORIAL: Collective self-defense a question of whether Japan can go to war
集団的自衛権―戦争に必要最小限はない

A private advisory panel submitted a report to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe on May 15, calling on the government to take steps to allow Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense.
The report drafted by the Advisory Panel on Reconstruction of the Legal Basis for Security said the government should change the traditional interpretation of war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution that prohibits Japan from taking part in collective self-defense, as maintained by successive Cabinets.
　歴代の内閣が憲法９条のもとで否定してきた集団的自衛権の行使を、政府解釈の変更によって認めるべきだ――。
　安倍首相の私的諮問機関「安全保障の法的基盤の再構築に関する懇談会」がきのう、こんな提言を柱にした報告書を首相に出した。

After receiving the report, Abe announced the start of a political process, including talks between the ruling coalition parties, to make it possible for Japan to use its right to collective self-defense.
　これを受けて、安倍氏は集団的自衛権の行使容認に向けた与党協議などの政治プロセスに入ることを表明した。

USING SELF-DEFENSE RIGHT MEANS WAR
■自衛権の行使＝戦争

Successive Cabinets have shared a view that Japan has to revise the Constitution before it is allowed to exercise its right to collective self-defense.
　集団的自衛権の行使を認めるには、憲法改正の手段をとらざるを得ない。歴代内閣はこうした見解を示してきた。

Any amendment to the Constitution must be approved by the public in a special referendum under procedures stipulated in Article 96 of the Constitution. However, Abe is trying to skip this procedure and make a fundamental shift in Japan’s postwar pacifist policy only through talks among the ruling parties and a Cabinet decision.
　安倍氏が進めようとしているのは、憲法９６条に定める改憲手続きによって国民に問うべき平和主義の大転換を、与党間協議と閣議決定によってすませてしまおうというものだ。

His move represents a radical departure from the principle of constitutionalism under which a government is based on a Constitution and could have seriously harmful effects on the nation.
　憲法に基づいて政治を行う立憲主義からの逸脱である。弊害はあまりにも大きい。

First of all, Abe’s plan will fundamentally change Japan’s postwar pacifism, which emerged after serious national soul-searching about World War II.
　まず、戦争の反省から出発した日本の平和主義が根本的に変質する。

The proposed change will pave the way for the use of armed force by the Self-Defense Forces in situations where Japan is not under attack. That means Japan could join in a war that has not been directly waged against it.
　日本が攻撃されたわけではないのに、自衛隊の武力行使に道を開く。これはつまり、参戦するということである。

The advisory panel has set some conditions for Japan’s exercise of its right to collective self-defense. The report says Japan can use the right only in situations where its safety could be seriously threatened and only if it has received an explicit request or consent (from the country that has been attacked).
　懇談会は、集団的自衛権を行使するには「わが国の安全に重大な影響を及ぼす可能性がある」「（攻撃された国の）明示の要請または同意を得る」といった条件をつけている。

But none of these conditions can be a clear and effective restriction because they are either a simple assumption or a norm under international law.
　だが、いずれも単なる前提に過ぎなかったり、国際法上あたり前のことだったりして、明確な歯止めとはなり得ない。

This is simply a question of whether or not Japan exercises its right to collective self-defense. Both Abe and the panel emphasize that Japan should be allowed to use the right for a minimum required level of defense. But such a quantitative notion is meaningless.
　集団的自衛権を行使するかしないかは、二つに一つだ。首相や懇談会が強調する「必要最小限なら認められる」という量的概念は意味をなさない。

The moment Japan exercises the right, this nation becomes the enemy of the other country involved.
　日本が行使したとたん、相手にとって日本は敵国となる。

Also, changing the government’s interpretation of the Constitution would amount to approving a distorted form of governance that effectively puts the Constitution under the Cabinet’s control.
　また解釈変更は、内閣が憲法を支配するといういびつな統治構造を許すことにもなる。

This prospect inevitably raises concerns that even the basic principles of the Constitution, such as popular sovereignty and respect for fundamental human rights, could be affected by the intentions of the government. That means Japan will no longer be able to claim to be a nation under the rule of law.
　国民主権や基本的人権の尊重といった憲法の基本原理ですら、時の政権の意向で左右されかねない。法治国家の看板を下ろさなければいけなくなる。

Moreover, the Abe administration’s move to forcibly make a virtual constitutional amendment by reinterpreting the Constitution while failing to take effective steps to improve Japan’s relations with its neighbors will exacerbate the already high tensions in East Asia.
　そして、近隣国との関係改善を置き去りにしたまま解釈改憲を強行することで、東アジアの緊張はかえって高まる。

UNACCEPTABLE DOUBLE STANDARDS
■見過ごせぬ二重基準

Abe’s remarks at the May 15 news conference were difficult to understand.
　きのうの記者会見での首相発言は、理解しがたかった。

In addition to calling for changing the government’s position on Japan’s right to collective self-defense, the advisory panel urged the administration to change its interpretation of the Constitution to adopt the position that there are no constitutional restrictions on the use of armed force by the SDF under the United Nations framework of collective security.
　懇談会は集団的自衛権のほか、国連の集団安全保障のもとでの自衛隊の武力行使に憲法の制約はないと解釈するよう、政府見解の変更を求めた。

Abe refused to accept this proposal, saying it is “logically inconsistent with the government’s traditional interpretation of the Constitution.”
　首相はこの考え方を「これまでの政府の憲法解釈とは論理的に整合せず、採用できない」と退けた。

By the same token, the proposal to allow Japan to use its right to collective self-defense is also inconsistent with the government’s traditional interpretation of Article 9.
　それをいうなら集団的自衛権の行使容認も、これまでの政府の憲法解釈とは整合しない。

Even so, Abe invoked the government’s constitutional theory, announced in 1972, that Japan is not prohibited by the Constitution from taking measures for self-defense that are necessary to maintain its peace and safety and ensure its existence. He then claimed that the argument that Japan should be allowed to engage in collective self-defense operations is based on the government’s “basic stance.”
　それなのに首相は、「自国の平和と安全を維持し、その存立を全うするために必要な自衛の措置」は禁じられていないという７２年の政府見解を引き、集団的自衛権は許されるとの考えは「政府の基本的な立場を踏まえている」と評価した。

But in 1972, the government said, following the statement quoted by Abe, that the Constitution banned Japan from exercising its right to collective self-defense. Accepting the panel’s proposal without referring to this fact can only be described as deception using double standards.
　だが、７２年の見解は、首相の引用部分に続いて「集団的自衛権の行使は憲法上許されない」と明記している。そこには触れぬまま提言を受け入れようというのは、二重基準によるごまかしとしか言いようがない。

Will lawmakers of Abe’s Liberal Democratic Party and its junior coalition partner, New Komeito, accept such a transparent sham in their talks over the proposal? We cannot take our eyes off the political process.
　これから与党協議に臨む自民党や公明党の議員は、こんなまやかしを認めてしまうのだろうか。協議の行方から目を離すことはできない。

DO NOT REMOVE ARTICLE 9 RESTRICTIONS
■９条のたがを外すな

Besides the question of exercising the right to collective self-defense, the panel’s report also deals with other related issues, including whether and when SDF troops should be allowed to use weapons while taking part in U.N. peacekeeping operations and how to respond to intrusions into Japanese territories and territorial waters that are not regarded as armed attacks.
　一方、集団的自衛権の行使容認とは別に、報告書は国連ＰＫＯの際の武器使用のあり方や、日本の領土・領海への武力攻撃とまではいえない侵害への対応にも触れている。

The panel’s argument that there are no constitutional restrictions on the SDF’s use of weapons during peacekeeping operations is totally unacceptable. But it is true that these issues demand careful discussions.
　「ＰＫＯでの武器使用に憲法の制約はない」という懇談会の提言は論外にしても、ＰＫＯなどの問題は、一つひとつ丁寧に検討すべき論点であることは確かだ。

As for the SDF’s use of weapons overseas, the government has been walking on a tightrope in interpreting the Constitution and enacting related legislation in its efforts to respond to international calls for Japan’s active involvement in peacekeeping operations without violating the pacifist principles of Article 9. It is true that this pursuit of mutually conflicting goals has led to some serious inconsistencies concerning the SDF’s peacekeeping activities.
　海外での武器使用に関しては、政府は９条の平和主義と国際社会からの要請とのはざまで、針の穴を通すような憲法解釈や立法を重ねてきた。そうした矛盾がＰＫＯの現場で端的に表れてきたのも事実だ。

But this is a restriction Japanese people have imposed on themselves out of their respect for Article 9 of the Constitution.
　しかし、それは憲法９条を尊重してきた日本国民が自らに課した「たが」でもある。

Few would dispute the need to make more efforts to figure out ways to solve the problems related to the inconsistencies. Obviously, however, measures to be considered should be limited by the restrictions imposed by Article 9 unless the Constitution is amended.
　この矛盾を少しでも解消するため、さらに知恵を絞るべきなのは当然のことである。ただし、憲法を改正するのでなければ、検討は９条の範囲内にとどめるのもまた当然である。

Abe appears intent on using his initiative to enable Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense as a breakthrough in his quest to eventually remove all restrictions imposed by Article 9.
　首相は集団的自衛権の行使容認を突破口に、やがては９条のしばりを全面的に取り払おうとしているように見える。

If this is the principal goal of Abe’s political agenda for the nation’s “break away from the postwar regime,” it is unacceptable.
　これが「戦後レジームからの脱却」の本質であるならば、看過できない。

For what purpose should Japan be allowed to use its right to collective self-defense? What should be done to ensure Japan’s security and enhance its contribution to international peace? The goals of the government’s security policy and the means to achieve them should be the right ones.
　いったい何のための集団的自衛権の行使なのか。日本の安全確保や国際平和への貢献のために何をすべきなのか。その目的や手順を誤ってはならない。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 16

路上の民主主義―自ら考え動き出す人たち

May 15, 2014
EDITORIAL: Citizens taking a stand to protect democracy in Japan
路上の民主主義―自ら考え動き出す人たち

The triple disaster that befell Japan in 2011 was the catalyst for profound reflection among citizens and calls for fundamental changes in our society.
The Great East Japan Earthquake generated towering tsunami that triggered meltdowns at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant and plunged the nation into a state of shock. Some people likened the catastrophe to a “seconddefeat in war.” Many Japanese took it upon themselves to try to engineer change in society.
　変わらなければ。
　変えなければ。
　東日本大震災と東京電力福島第一原発事故を経験した２０１１年。「第二の敗戦」といった言葉も飛び交うなか、日本社会は深い自省と、根源的な変革を求める空気に満ちていた。

One visible manifestation of the reflective mood was a massive rally calling for an end to Japan’s reliance on nuclear power generation. It was held in Tokyo about six months after the calamity. An estimated 60,000 people attended the “Sayonara Genpatsu” (Good-bye to nuclear power generation) rally, according to the event’s organizers.
　それを目に見える形で示したのが、震災から約半年後に東京で開かれた「さようなら原発」集会だ。主催者発表で６万人が参加。

In his address to the rally, Kenzaburo Oe, a Nobel laureate writer, stressed the importance of the gathering and demonstrations in general as a means for citizens to express their views. “What can we do? All we have are such rallies driven by the democratic spirit and demonstrations by citizens,” he said. Nearly three years have passed since then.
ノーベル賞作家・大江健三郎さんは訴えた。「何ができるか。私らにはこの民主主義の集会、市民のデモしかない」
　あれから３年近くが経った。

ABE SOWS SEEDS
■首相がまく種

During this time, the Liberal Democratic Party returned to power. The LDP-led government has sought to restart idled nuclear reactors and revived the old-style policy of spending on massive public works projects.
　自民党が政権に戻り、原発再稼働が推進され、大型公共事業が復活する。

The grim realization has dawned on many Japanese that they have failed to bring about change.
　何も変えられなかった。

Some people have become disillusioned. Others have lost heart or simply grown weary.
　冷めた人。折れた人。疲れた人。

There is no denying that the bitter sense of resignation that set in among the people, coupled with their deep disappointment at the performance of the previous government led by the Democratic Party of Japan, has provided much political capital for the Abe administration.
民主党政権への深い失望と相まって膨らんだ諦念（ていねん）が、安倍政権の政治的原資となってきたことは否めない。

A pillar of democracy is a belief in the need to have constructive, in-depth exchanges with people of opposing opinions.
　反対意見に向き合い、議論を深める。民主制の根幹だ。

But Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appears to believe quite the opposite. He seems to think that as the nation’s top leader, chosen through elections, he can have his own way and would be wasting his time listening to others' opinions.
しかし首相はどうやら、選挙で選ばれた、最高責任者の自分がやりたいようにやるのが政治で、反対意見なんか聞くだけ無駄だと考えているようだ。

This, then, explains the Abe administration's outrageous decision to seek an effective elimination of constitutional restrictions on Japan’s use of armed force through nothing more than a Cabinet decision.
　憲法の縛りさえ、閣議決定で「ない」ことにしてしまおうという粗雑さ。

The Diet, which is dominated by the ruling parties, has been showing increasing signs of acting as a rubber stamp body in the face of the administration’s strong-arm approach to policymaking.
これに対し、与党が圧倒的議席をもつ国会は、単なる追認機関と化しつつある。

Are ruling party leaders aware that the prime minister’s heavy-handed tactics for pursuing his political agenda and the pitifully tame Diet are spawning and fostering a new breed of political actors who think and act on their own?
The question is whether this situation is fortunate or unfortunate for this nation’s negligent politicians.
　気づいているだろうか。
　首相の強権的な政治手法とふがいない国会のありようが、自ら思考し、行動する政治的な主体を新たに生み、育てていることに。怠慢なこの国の政治家にとっては、幸か、不幸か。

MAKING THEIR VOICES HEARD
■声を響かせる

The English phrase “Fight the power” is the principal slogan adopted for a student demonstration staged in Tokyo’s Shinjuku district on May 3, Constitution Day, against the newly enacted state secrets protection law.
The slogan is “a little too radical, but probably OK because it is in English,” said one of the student organizers.
　「『Ｆｉｇｈｔ　ｔｈｅ　ｐｏｗｅｒ』、これは権力と闘えって意味で、ちょっと過激なんすけど、まあ英語だから大丈夫かなと」

The 400 or so participants practiced chanting in chorus in a park where they gathered before taking to the streets. They took part in the demonstration as individuals, not as members of any organization, in response to calls on the Internet or invitations by friends to turn up for the rally.
　憲法記念日に東京・新宿で行われた「特定秘密保護法に反対する学生デモ」。集合場所の公園で約４００人が声を合わせ、コールの練習を始めた。都内の大学生らが主催した、党派によらない個人参加のデモ。ネットや友人関係を通じて集まった。

As they started marching on the streets, led by a car equipped with a loudspeaker beating out a rhythm with heavy bass sounds, the demonstrators kept chanting, “No to the state secrets protection law” and “Protect the Constitution.” These rather stiff phrases, chanted in a rhythmic pace, echoed across Shinjuku.
　出発。重低音のリズムを刻むサウンドカーを先頭に、繰り返される「特定秘密保護法反対」「憲法守れ」。堅苦しい言葉がうまくリズムに乗っかって、新宿の街にあふれ出していく。

Participating students took the microphone in turns.
　大学生たちがマイクを握る。

“I feel happy about being born in Japan, where we can live freely in ways we like,” said one student. “But the state secrets protection law was rammed through the Diet in the face of opposition. As I was concerned that the Japan I love so much could be destroyed if nothing was done, I felt compelled to act.”
　「自分らしく、自由に生きられる日本に生まれたことを幸せに思っています。でも、特定秘密保護法が反対を押し切って成立した。このままじゃ大好きな日本が壊れちゃうかもしれないって思ったら、動かずにはいられませんでした」

“I’m not ashamed of expressing my will to protect my freedom and rights,” said another. “And I believe in making ‘constant efforts’ to do so.”
　「私は、私の自由と権利を守るために意思表示することを恥じません。そしてそのことこそが、私の『不断の努力』であることを信じます」

They all spoke clearly in their own words and from their hearts.
　私。僕。俺。借り物でない、主語が明確な言葉がつながる。

Do they want to change their society? It would seem they are more interested in protecting their society.
　社会を変えたい？
　いや、伝わってくるのはむしろ、「守りたい」だ。

The way the controversial bill was railroaded through the Diet raised many doubts and questions in their minds.
　強引な秘密法の採決に際し、胸の内に膨らんだ疑問。

They asked themselves what democracy really means. One tentative answer they came up with is that it means they need to keep thinking on their own without any fear of making mistakes and continuing to voice their doubts and questions if they think that something is wrong.
　民主主義ってなんだ？
　手繰り寄せた、当座の答え。
　間違ってもいいから、自分の頭で考え続けること。おかしいと思ったら、声をあげること。

That is why they took to the streets and made their voices heard.
　だから路上に繰り出し、響かせる。自分たちの声を。

“Tell me what democracy looks like?” one student shouted. “This is what democracy looks like!” responded the others.
　「Ｔｅｌｌ　ｍｅ　ｗｈａｔ　ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ　ｌｏｏｋｓ　ｌｉｋｅ？（民主主義ってどんなの？）」のコール。
　「Ｔｈｉｓ　ｉｓ　ｗｈａｔ　ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ　ｌｏｏｋｓ　ｌｉｋｅ！（これが民主主義だ！）」のレスポンス。

One scholar argues that, in a period of upheavals when people find it difficult to envision a bright future, they tend to cling to something by engaging in physical activities.
　ある学者は言う。頭で考えても見通しをもてない動乱期には、人は身体を動かして何かをつかもうとするんです――。

The students are well aware of the harsh reality. They know society doesn’t change easily. But they also know they don’t have to give up. They are more focused on continuing, rather than winning their battle.
　彼らは極めて自覚的だ。社会はそう簡単には変わらない。でも諦める必要はない。志向するのは「闘い」に「勝つ」ことよりも、闘い「続ける」ことだ。

CHANGE IS HAPPENING
■深く、緩やかに

Anti-nuclear demonstrators held their 100th rally in front of the prime minister’s office in Tokyo on the first Friday of May.
　５月最初の金曜日に１００回目を迎えた、首相官邸前デモ。

The number of participants has fallen, and the enthusiasm of the regular event has waned. Instead, it has become part of the everyday lives of people still taking part in the event.
　数は減り、熱気は失せ、そのぶんすっかり日常化している。

There are couples sitting on the lawn and eating rice balls and groups singing songs. They enjoy spending time in their own ways in areas around the prime minister’s office, which are “opened to the public.”
植え込みに座って、おにぎりを食べるカップル。歌をうたうグループ。「開放」された官邸周辺を思い思いに楽しんでいる。

Demonstrators have stuck to some basic principles, including keeping their acts peaceful, focusing on core messages and participation as individuals. Without the experiences accumulated through regular, uneventful anti-nuke rallies in front of the prime minister’s office and the wise strategies developed for this new type of demonstrations, there might not have been the waves of people protesting against the state secrets protection law in front of the Diet last December or the recent student rally in Shinjuku.
　非暴力。訴えを絞る。個人参加。官邸前で積み上げられた日常と、新しいデモの「知恵」がなければ、昨年１２月に秘密法に反対する人々が国会前に押し寄せることも、学生たちのデモも、なかったかもしれない。

“Its strong roots are not visible/ But they are there even though they are invisible/ Invisible things exist,” Misuzu Kaneko says in her book, “Hoshi to tanpopo” (The star and the dandelion).
　つよいその根は眼にみえぬ。
　見えぬけれどもあるんだよ、
　見えぬものでもあるんだよ。
　（金子みすゞ「星とたんぽぽ」）

Like dandelions, these civic movements have deep roots in people’s daily lives. Like pieces of dandelion fluff, the voices of these people waft off and reach somewhere else. The fallen seeds take root at new places.
　たんぽぽのように、日常に深く根を張り、種をつけた綿毛が風に乗って飛んでいく。それがどこかで、新たに根を張る。

On May 15, the Abe administration will take a step toward allowing Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense. Probably, many pieces of fluff will swirl up into the air again.
　きょう、集団的自衛権の行使容認に向け、安倍政権が一歩を踏み出す。また多くの綿毛が、空に舞いゆくことだろう。

Society is changing, deeply, quietly and calmly.
　社会は変わっている。
　深く、静かに、緩やかに。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 15

路上の民主主義―自ら考え動き出す人たち

May 15, 2014
EDITORIAL: Citizens taking a stand to protect democracy in Japan
路上の民主主義―自ら考え動き出す人たち

The triple disaster that befell Japan in 2011 was the catalyst for profound reflection among citizens and calls for

fundamental changes in our society.
The Great East Japan Earthquake generated towering tsunami that triggered meltdowns at the Fukushima No. 1

nuclear power plant and plunged the nation into a state of shock. Some people likened the catastrophe to a “second

defeat in war.” Many Japanese took it upon themselves to try to engineer change in society.
　変わらなければ。
　変えなければ。
　東日本大震災と東京電力福島第一原発事故を経験した２０１１年。「第二の敗戦」といった言葉も飛び交うなか、日本社会は深い

自省と、根源的な変革を求める空気に満ちていた。

One visible manifestation of the reflective mood was a massive rally calling for an end to Japan’s reliance on nuclear

power generation. It was held in Tokyo about six months after the calamity. An estimated 60,000 people attended the

“Sayonara Genpatsu” (Good-bye to nuclear power generation) rally, according to the event’s organizers.
　それを目に見える形で示したのが、震災から約半年後に東京で開かれた「さようなら原発」集会だ。主催者発表で６万人が参加。

In his address to the rally, Kenzaburo Oe, a Nobel laureate writer, stressed the importance of the gathering and

demonstrations in general as a means for citizens to express their views. “What can we do? All we have are such

rallies driven by the democratic spirit and demonstrations by citizens,” he said. Nearly three years have passed since

then.
ノーベル賞作家・大江健三郎さんは訴えた。「何ができるか。私らにはこの民主主義の集会、市民のデモしかない」
　あれから３年近くが経った。

ABE SOWS SEEDS
■首相がまく種

During this time, the Liberal Democratic Party returned to power. The LDP-led government has sought to restart idled

nuclear reactors and revived the old-style policy of spending on massive public works projects.
　自民党が政権に戻り、原発再稼働が推進され、大型公共事業が復活する。

The grim realization has dawned on many Japanese that they have failed to bring about change.
　何も変えられなかった。

Some people have become disillusioned. Others have lost heart or simply grown weary.

　冷めた人。折れた人。疲れた人。

There is no denying that the bitter sense of resignation that set in among the people, coupled with their deep

disappointment at the performance of the previous government led by the Democratic Party of Japan, has provided

much political capital for the Abe administration.
民主党政権への深い失望と相まって膨らんだ諦念（ていねん）が、安倍政権の政治的原資となってきたことは否めない。

A pillar of democracy is a belief in the need to have constructive, in-depth exchanges with people of opposing

opinions.
　反対意見に向き合い、議論を深める。民主制の根幹だ。

But Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appears to believe quite the opposite. He seems to think that as the nation’s top

leader, chosen through elections, he can have his own way and would be wasting his time listening to others'

opinions.
しかし首相はどうやら、選挙で選ばれた、最高責任者の自分がやりたいようにやるのが政治で、反対意見なんか聞くだけ無駄だと考えて

いるようだ。

This, then, explains the Abe administration's outrageous decision to seek an effective elimination of constitutional

restrictions on Japan’s use of armed force through nothing more than a Cabinet decision.
　憲法の縛りさえ、閣議決定で「ない」ことにしてしまおうという粗雑さ。

The Diet, which is dominated by the ruling parties, has been showing increasing signs of acting as a rubber stamp

body in the face of the administration’s strong-arm approach to policymaking.
これに対し、与党が圧倒的議席をもつ国会は、単なる追認機関と化しつつある。

Are ruling party leaders aware that the prime minister’s heavy-handed tactics for pursuing his political agenda and

the pitifully tame Diet are spawning and fostering a new breed of political actors who think and act on their own?
The question is whether this situation is fortunate or unfortunate for this nation’s negligent politicians.
　気づいているだろうか。
　首相の強権的な政治手法とふがいない国会のありようが、自ら思考し、行動する政治的な主体を新たに生み、育てていることに。怠

慢なこの国の政治家にとっては、幸か、不幸か。

MAKING THEIR VOICES HEARD
■声を響かせる

The English phrase “Fight the power” is the principal slogan adopted for a student demonstration staged in Tokyo’s

Shinjuku district on May 3, Constitution Day, against the newly enacted state secrets protection law.
The slogan is “a little too radical, but probably OK because it is in English,” said one of the student organizers.
　「『Ｆｉｇｈｔ　ｔｈｅ　ｐｏｗｅｒ』、これは権力と闘えって意味で、ちょっと過激なんすけど、まあ英語だから大丈夫かなと」

The 400 or so participants practiced chanting in chorus in a park where they gathered before taking to the streets.

They took part in the demonstration as individuals, not as members of any organization, in response to calls on the

Internet or invitations by friends to turn up for the rally.
　憲法記念日に東京・新宿で行われた「特定秘密保護法に反対する学生デモ」。集合場所の公園で約４００人が声を合わせ、コール

の練習を始めた。都内の大学生らが主催した、党派によらない個人参加のデモ。ネットや友人関係を通じて集まった。

As they started marching on the streets, led by a car equipped with a loudspeaker beating out a rhythm with heavy

bass sounds, the demonstrators kept chanting, “No to the state secrets protection law” and “Protect the Constitution.”

These rather stiff phrases, chanted in a rhythmic pace, echoed across Shinjuku.
　出発。重低音のリズムを刻むサウンドカーを先頭に、繰り返される「特定秘密保護法反対」「憲法守れ」。堅苦しい言葉がうまくリズム

に乗っかって、新宿の街にあふれ出していく。

Participating students took the microphone in turns.
　大学生たちがマイクを握る。

“I feel happy about being born in Japan, where we can live freely in ways we like,” said one student. “But the state

secrets protection law was rammed through the Diet in the face of opposition. As I was concerned that the Japan I

love so much could be destroyed if nothing was done, I felt compelled to act.”
　「自分らしく、自由に生きられる日本に生まれたことを幸せに思っています。でも、特定秘密保護法が反対を押し切って成立した。この

ままじゃ大好きな日本が壊れちゃうかもしれないって思ったら、動かずにはいられませんでした」

“I’m not ashamed of expressing my will to protect my freedom and rights,” said another. “And I believe in making

‘constant efforts’ to do so.”
　「私は、私の自由と権利を守るために意思表示することを恥じません。そしてそのことこそが、私の『不断の努力』であることを信じます」

They all spoke clearly in their own words and from their hearts.
　私。僕。俺。借り物でない、主語が明確な言葉がつながる。

Do they want to change their society? It would seem they are more interested in protecting their society.
　社会を変えたい？
　いや、伝わってくるのはむしろ、「守りたい」だ。

The way the controversial bill was railroaded through the Diet raised many doubts and questions in their minds.
　強引な秘密法の採決に際し、胸の内に膨らんだ疑問。

They asked themselves what democracy really means. One tentative answer they came up with is that it means they

need to keep thinking on their own without any fear of making mistakes and continuing to voice their doubts and

questions if they think that something is wrong.
　民主主義ってなんだ？
　手繰り寄せた、当座の答え。
　間違ってもいいから、自分の頭で考え続けること。おかしいと思ったら、声をあげること。

That is why they took to the streets and made their voices heard.
　だから路上に繰り出し、響かせる。自分たちの声を。

“Tell me what democracy looks like?” one student shouted. “This is what democracy looks like!” responded the others.
　「Ｔｅｌｌ　ｍｅ　ｗｈａｔ　ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ　ｌｏｏｋｓ　ｌｉｋｅ？（民主主義ってどんなの？）」のコール。
　「Ｔｈｉｓ　ｉｓ　ｗｈａｔ　ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ　ｌｏｏｋｓ　ｌｉｋｅ！（これが民主主義だ！）」のレスポンス。

One scholar argues that, in a period of upheavals when people find it difficult to envision a bright future, they tend to

cling to something by engaging in physical activities.
　ある学者は言う。頭で考えても見通しをもてない動乱期には、人は身体を動かして何かをつかもうとするんです――。

The students are well aware of the harsh reality. They know society doesn’t change easily. But they also know they

don’t have to give up. They are more focused on continuing, rather than winning their battle.
　彼らは極めて自覚的だ。社会はそう簡単には変わらない。でも諦める必要はない。志向するのは「闘い」に「勝つ」ことよりも、闘い「続

ける」ことだ。

CHANGE IS HAPPENING
■深く、緩やかに

Anti-nuclear demonstrators held their 100th rally in front of the prime minister’s office in Tokyo on the first Friday of

May.
　５月最初の金曜日に１００回目を迎えた、首相官邸前デモ。

The number of participants has fallen, and the enthusiasm of the regular event has waned. Instead, it has become

part of the everyday lives of people still taking part in the event.
　数は減り、熱気は失せ、そのぶんすっかり日常化している。

There are couples sitting on the lawn and eating rice balls and groups singing songs. They enjoy spending time in

their own ways in areas around the prime minister’s office, which are “opened to the public.”
植え込みに座って、おにぎりを食べるカップル。歌をうたうグループ。「開放」された官邸周辺を思い思いに楽しんでいる。

Demonstrators have stuck to some basic principles, including keeping their acts peaceful, focusing on core messages

and participation as individuals. Without the experiences accumulated through regular, uneventful anti-nuke rallies in

front of the prime minister’s office and the wise strategies developed for this new type of demonstrations, there might

not have been the waves of people protesting against the state secrets protection law in front of the Diet last

December or the recent student rally in Shinjuku.
　非暴力。訴えを絞る。個人参加。官邸前で積み上げられた日常と、新しいデモの「知恵」がなければ、昨年１２月に秘密法に反対す

る人々が国会前に押し寄せることも、学生たちのデモも、なかったかもしれない。

“Its strong roots are not visible/ But they are there even though they are invisible/ Invisible things exist,” Misuzu

Kaneko says in her book, “Hoshi to tanpopo” (The star and the dandelion).
　つよいその根は眼にみえぬ。
　見えぬけれどもあるんだよ、
　見えぬものでもあるんだよ。
　（金子みすゞ「星とたんぽぽ」）

Like dandelions, these civic movements have deep roots in people’s daily lives. Like pieces of dandelion fluff, the

voices of these people waft off and reach somewhere else. The fallen seeds take root at new places.
　たんぽぽのように、日常に深く根を張り、種をつけた綿毛が風に乗って飛んでいく。それがどこかで、新たに根を張る。

On May 15, the Abe administration will take a step toward allowing Japan to exercise its right to collective self-

defense. Probably, many pieces of fluff will swirl up into the air again.
　きょう、集団的自衛権の行使容認に向け、安倍政権が一歩を踏み出す。また多くの綿毛が、空に舞いゆくことだろう。

Society is changing, deeply, quietly and calmly.
　社会は変わっている。
　深く、静かに、緩やかに。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 15

ＮＰＴ会議―中国も核軍縮に加われ

May 14, 2014
EDITORIAL: China must not be allowed to put NPT regime at risk
ＮＰＴ会議―中国も核軍縮に加われ

The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) requires the world’s nuclear states to strive in earnest for nuclear disarmament. Unless this requirement is fulfilled, the treaty itself, which prohibits non-nuclear countries from possessing nuclear weapons, could collapse. When that happens, the world will be a dangerous place for all countries, irrespective of whether they have nuclear capabilities.
　核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）は核保有国に、軍縮への誠実な取り組みを義務づけている。その義務が果たされないと、他の国の核保有を禁じるＮＰＴ体制は崩れかねない。そんな世界は非核国だけでなく、核保有国さえも危うくする。

Yet, the attitude of the nuclear states makes us doubt that they have any serious interest in averting that sort of global crisis.
　にもかかわらず、核保有国の態度を見ていると、そうした世界の危機を本気で回避しようとしているのか、疑わしくなる。

The third session in New York of the Preparatory Committee for the 2015 Review Conference of the Parties to the NPT closed on May 9 with no results to speak of. The committee failed to narrow the gap between non-nuclear countries and the five NTP-approved nuclear states--the United States, Russia, Britain, France and China.
　来年のＮＰＴ再検討会議に向けた準備委員会は、めぼしい成果がないまま閉幕した。核軍縮の進め方をめぐり、ＮＰＴで核保有を認められている米ロ英仏中の５カ国と、非核保有国の溝が埋まらなかった。

Based on an agreement reached at the last NPT Review Conference in 2010, the five nuclear states issued written reports for the first time on disarmament trends. The United States, Britain and France stressed that their nuclear capabilities are now way below the levels they were during the Cold War era. But none of them indicated a road map for ending their reliance on nuclear weapons.
　４年前の前回再検討会議での合意に基づき、５カ国は初めて、軍縮の動向を文書で報告した。米英仏は冷戦期より大幅に減らしたと強調したが、各国とも核依存から方向転換する道筋は示さなかった。

China and Russia did not even disclose the numbers of nuclear warheads in their possession.
中国とロシアは核弾頭の保有数すら明らかにしなかった。

The outcome could not have been more disappointing. The nuclear states ought to reawaken to their grave responsibilities.
　あまりに不十分な内容というしかない。重い責任を改めて自覚すべきである。

Our only hope now lies with U.S. President Barack Obama, who has called for a world free of nuclear weapons despite the fact that his country is the world’s most powerful nuclear state.
　期待したいのは、最強の保有国でありながら、「核なき世界」を掲げるオバマ大統領だ。

A U.S. representative who delivered a speech at the session showed an understanding of the inhumanity of nuclear weapons for the first time. This was a notable change, even though the United States does not support the Nuclear Weapons Convention proposed by non-nuclear nations.
　準備委で演説した米国代表は、核の非人道性に初めて理解を示した。多くの非核国が求める禁止条約まで支持してはいないが、注目すべき変化である。

The third Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons will be held in Vienna in December. As an ally of the United States and the only country that has been attacked with nuclear weapons, Japan should urge the United States to participate in this conference.
　今年１２月、非人道性を議題とする３回目の国際会議がウィーンで開かれる。被爆国であり、同盟国でもある日本から、米国に参加を働きかけてはどうか。

Last July, Obama called for negotiated arms reduction with Russia, proposing to further reduce their agreed-upon strategic nuclear weapons capabilities by one-third to around 1,000 warheads. But U.S.-Russia relations have since deteriorated over the Ukraine crisis and other issues, leaving the talks schedule up in the air.
　オバマ大統領は昨年６月、戦略核を現行の米ロ条約の水準からさらに３分の１減らし、１千発程度にする交渉を提案した。ただ、ウクライナ問題などでロシアとの関係は冷え込み、交渉開始のめどは立たない。

Since the United States far outpowers Russia in conventional weapons, it should still be able to maintain its deterrence power even if it reduces its strategic nuclear weapons. This is actually what we would like the United States to do voluntarily, and then urge Russia to follow suit. And for Russia, which is having problems with its aging nuclear system, this would not be a bad deal.
　通常戦力で圧倒する米国が先に戦略核をもっと削減しても、抑止力は維持できるだろう。米国が自主的に減らし、ロシアに同調を促してはどうか。核システムの老朽化に悩むロシアにも、悪い取引ではないはずだ。

China, which refuses to disclose its nuclear capabilities, could pose a risk to the maintenance of the NPT regime in the days ahead. But if the United States and Russia forge ahead with further nuclear disarmament at Obama’s initiative, China will become increasingly unable to have its way.
　核戦力の実態を明らかにしない中国が今後、ＮＰＴ体制を維持していくうえで、リスク要因になる恐れもある。オバマ政権の主導で米ロがいっそうの軍縮に踏み込めば、中国の自分勝手はますます通用しなくなる。

The time has come for Obama to strongly urge China to stop making empty promises and take action for disarmament.
口では軍縮努力を繰り返す中国に、行動で示すよう強く求める時期にきている。

Obama’s approval ratings are not getting any better at home. But he must stand his ground if he really intends to establish a solid path toward a nuclear-free world.
　オバマ大統領の支持率は低迷しているが、核ゼロへの流れを確かなものにするには、今が正念場である。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 14

ＮＰＴ会議―中国も核軍縮に加われ

May 14, 2014
EDITORIAL: China must not be allowed to put NPT regime at risk
ＮＰＴ会議―中国も核軍縮に加われ

The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) requires the world’s nuclear states to strive in earnest

for nuclear disarmament. Unless this requirement is fulfilled, the treaty itself, which prohibits non-nuclear countries

from possessing nuclear weapons, could collapse. When that happens, the world will be a dangerous place for all

countries, irrespective of whether they have nuclear capabilities.
　核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）は核保有国に、軍縮への誠実な取り組みを義務づけている。その義務が果たされないと、他の国の核保有を

禁じるＮＰＴ体制は崩れかねない。そんな世界は非核国だけでなく、核保有国さえも危うくする。

Yet, the attitude of the nuclear states makes us doubt that they have any serious interest in averting that sort of

global crisis.
　にもかかわらず、核保有国の態度を見ていると、そうした世界の危機を本気で回避しようとしているのか、疑わしくなる。

The third session in New York of the Preparatory Committee for the 2015 Review Conference of the Parties to the NPT

closed on May 9 with no results to speak of. The committee failed to narrow the gap between non-nuclear countries

and the five NTP-approved nuclear states--the United States, Russia, Britain, France and China.
　来年のＮＰＴ再検討会議に向けた準備委員会は、めぼしい成果がないまま閉幕した。核軍縮の進め方をめぐり、ＮＰＴで核保有を認

められている米ロ英仏中の５カ国と、非核保有国の溝が埋まらなかった。

Based on an agreement reached at the last NPT Review Conference in 2010, the five nuclear states issued written

reports for the first time on disarmament trends. The United States, Britain and France stressed that their nuclear

capabilities are now way below the levels they were during the Cold War era. But none of them indicated a road map

for ending their reliance on nuclear weapons.
　４年前の前回再検討会議での合意に基づき、５カ国は初めて、軍縮の動向を文書で報告した。米英仏は冷戦期より大幅に減らし

たと強調したが、各国とも核依存から方向転換する道筋は示さなかった。

China and Russia did not even disclose the numbers of nuclear warheads in their possession.
中国とロシアは核弾頭の保有数すら明らかにしなかった。

The outcome could not have been more disappointing. The nuclear states ought to reawaken to their grave

responsibilities.
　あまりに不十分な内容というしかない。重い責任を改めて自覚すべきである。

Our only hope now lies with U.S. President Barack Obama, who has called for a world free of nuclear weapons

despite the fact that his country is the world’s most powerful nuclear state.
　期待したいのは、最強の保有国でありながら、「核なき世界」を掲げるオバマ大統領だ。

A U.S. representative who delivered a speech at the session showed an understanding of the inhumanity of nuclear

weapons for the first time. This was a notable change, even though the United States does not support the Nuclear

Weapons Convention proposed by non-nuclear nations.
　準備委で演説した米国代表は、核の非人道性に初めて理解を示した。多くの非核国が求める禁止条約まで支持してはいないが、

注目すべき変化である。

The third Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons will be held in Vienna in December. As an ally

of the United States and the only country that has been attacked with nuclear weapons, Japan should urge the

United States to participate in this conference.
　今年１２月、非人道性を議題とする３回目の国際会議がウィーンで開かれる。被爆国であり、同盟国でもある日本から、米国に参加

を働きかけてはどうか。

Last July, Obama called for negotiated arms reduction with Russia, proposing to further reduce their agreed-upon

strategic nuclear weapons capabilities by one-third to around 1,000 warheads. But U.S.-Russia relations have since

deteriorated over the Ukraine crisis and other issues, leaving the talks schedule up in the air.
　オバマ大統領は昨年６月、戦略核を現行の米ロ条約の水準からさらに３分の１減らし、１千発程度にする交渉を提案した。ただ、ウク

ライナ問題などでロシアとの関係は冷え込み、交渉開始のめどは立たない。

Since the United States far outpowers Russia in conventional weapons, it should still be able to maintain its

deterrence power even if it reduces its strategic nuclear weapons. This is actually what we would like the United

States to do voluntarily, and then urge Russia to follow suit. And for Russia, which is having problems with its aging

nuclear system, this would not be a bad deal.
　通常戦力で圧倒する米国が先に戦略核をもっと削減しても、抑止力は維持できるだろう。米国が自主的に減らし、ロシアに同調を促

してはどうか。核システムの老朽化に悩むロシアにも、悪い取引ではないはずだ。

China, which refuses to disclose its nuclear capabilities, could pose a risk to the maintenance of the NPT regime in the

days ahead. But if the United States and Russia forge ahead with further nuclear disarmament at Obama’s initiative,

China will become increasingly unable to have its way.
　核戦力の実態を明らかにしない中国が今後、ＮＰＴ体制を維持していくうえで、リスク要因になる恐れもある。オバマ政権の主導で米

ロがいっそうの軍縮に踏み込めば、中国の自分勝手はますます通用しなくなる。

The time has come for Obama to strongly urge China to stop making empty promises and take action for

disarmament.
口では軍縮努力を繰り返す中国に、行動で示すよう強く求める時期にきている。

Obama’s approval ratings are not getting any better at home. But he must stand his ground if he really intends to

establish a solid path toward a nuclear-free world.
　オバマ大統領の支持率は低迷しているが、核ゼロへの流れを確かなものにするには、今が正念場である。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 14

（社説）銀輪都市東京 「クルマ脳」を改める

May 13, 2014
EDITORIAL: Tokyo given great opportunity to become more bicycle-friendly
（社説）銀輪都市東京　「クルマ脳」を改める

The bicycle is the most useful tool for making society less dependent on cars.
　自転車は脱クルマの切り札である。

Children, adults and elderly people can use bicycles to improve mobility. Bicycles help to reduce greenhouse gas emissions that cause global warming and offer an effective way to get around when public transportation is disrupted by earthquakes and other natural disasters.
子どもから高齢者までみんなが乗れる。温暖化や帰宅困難者の対策になり、健康にも良い。

Cycling is also good for the health.

Given the aging of the nation’s driving population, the use of bicycles should be promoted as a safer alternative to automobiles.
ドライバーの高齢化を考えても、車から自転車への乗りかえを進めた方が安心だ。

Tokyo Governor Yoichi Masuzoe has pledged to reduce the daily flow of cars into central Tokyo as part of the metropolitan government’s efforts to prepare the city for the 2020 Summer Olympics. Masuzoe has also promised to make the capital a more bicycle-friendly city.
　２０２０年東京五輪に向け、都心に流れ込む車を減らす。自転車で動きやすい街にする。舛添要一知事はそう掲げる。

London was also said to be lagging behind many other major cities around the world in terms of cycle-friendliness. However, London established many bicycle lanes, using the opportunity offered by hosting the 2012 Olympics.
　ロンドンも遅れていると言われていたが、五輪を機に自転車レーン整備が急速に進んだ。

Tokyo also has a great opportunity to promote bicycle transportation in the six years until the 2020 sports event. The Japanese capital should lead other local governments by making the shift from cars to bicycles.
　東京もこの６年が好機だ。首都から自転車シフトを進めて、全国に広げたい。

The big challenge is taking effective measures to reduce accidents involving bicycles.
　それには事故対策が重要だ。

Roads in Japan are much safer today than during the period of rapid economic growth, when the term “traffic war” was used to describe the dangers on the streets. But the percentage of pedestrians and cyclists in all traffic fatalities in Japan remains far higher than the ratios in other industrialized nations.
　交通戦争と呼ばれた高度成長期を思えば、日本の道路はずいぶん安全になった。それでも他の先進国に比べると、事故の死者に占める歩行者と自転車の割合は突出して高い。

Also alarming is that accidents between cyclists and pedestrians have increased by 14 percent over the past decade in Japan, while the number of all traffic accidents has declined by one-third.
　自転車対歩行者の事故の増加も気になる。交通事故全体が１０年前の３分の２に減るなかで１４％増えている。

In some lawsuits, cyclists have been ordered to pay tens of millions of yen in damages for causing accidents that have killed or seriously injured pedestrians.
死亡や障害を負わせる事故を起こして数千万円の賠償判決を受けた例もある。

The law requires cyclists to ride close to the left side of the road, in principle. But many cyclists still use sidewalks, mainly to avoid the terror of riding on roadways with honking cars speeding past.
　自転車は原則として車道の左側を、と法に明記されていても歩道走行はなかなか無くならない。自転車のすぐ横を車が警笛を鳴らして走り去る。そんな車道には怖くて下りにくい。

The environment for cycling on streets should be improved significantly, with priority placed on the safety of vulnerable road users.
　まず、自転車が車道を安全に走れる環境を整えよう。何より「弱者優先」の徹底が大切だ。

Many people tend to think that bicycle lanes will never gain ground in Japan because the roads are generally narrower.
　日本は道幅が狭いから自転車レーンが広がらない。

“That’s a typical way of thinking that reflects the deep-rooted car-first mentality among people steeped in a car-oriented culture,” says Shigeki Kobayashi, who heads a nonprofit organization devoted to promoting the use of bicycles. “Why would you give the priority to cars in the allocation of space on narrow roads?”
そう考えがちだが、自転車活用を推進するＮＰＯの小林成基理事長は言う。「それは車優先の染みついたクルマ脳の発想です。なんで道幅が狭くても車の取り分から先に考えるんですか？」

We need to reconsider the priorities of road use. Pedestrians should come first, followed by public transportation vehicles and bicycles. Private cars should be last on the priority list.
　まず歩く人。次に公共交通と自転車。最後に私有車。道路を使う優先順位を見直そう。

One effective way to make motorists recognize the principle that cyclists should ride on roads is to create specially painted bicycle-only lanes.
　自転車は、車道を走るもの。ドライバーにそう認識させるために効果的なのは、車道上に色を塗って自転車の通り道を示すことだ。

An experiment conducted in Tokyo by the transport ministry and other organizations showed that bike lanes sharply reduce the number of cyclists riding on sidewalks. Still, many cyclists are afraid to use roadways even with lanes designated for bicycles.
国土交通省などが都内で試みた実験では、歩道走行は大きく減った。
　それでもやはり車道は怖い。そう思う人も多いだろう。

It is important to note that most accidents between bicycles and cars occur at intersections.
　ただ、自転車と車の事故の大半は交差点で起きている。

Cyclists who enter intersections on the road are more clearly visible to drivers than cyclists who suddenly dart into intersections from sidewalks.
歩道から突然交差点に出るより、初めから車道を走る方が、車から見えるから安全と言われる。

Stricter speed limits should be imposed on streets in central parts of Tokyo. Businesses and shopping districts should be required to offer more bicycle parking spaces so that footpaths are not clogged with illegally parked bikes.
　中心市街地は車の速度制限をもっと厳しくすべきだし、違法駐輪で歩道をふさがないよう企業や商店街に駐輪場を増やすべきだ。

And cyclists must never forget the principle that pedestrians have the right of way.
自転車に乗る人も歩行者優先を忘れてはならない。

We hope the Tokyo Olympics will catalyze a radical change of the car-oriented transport culture in this nation.
　強い者勝ちの街を変えるきっかけに五輪がなればいい。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 12