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The Yomiuri Shimbun
Diplomatic consideration outweighed historical facts in Kono statement
河野談話検証 外交的配慮が事実に優先した
Once again a flaw in the 1993 statement issued by then Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono on so-called comfort women has come to the fore.
いわゆる従軍慰安婦に関する河野官房長官談話の綻びが、改めて浮き彫りになった。
A team of experts set up by the government has compiled a report examining the process of drafting the Kono statement, which was issued in August 1993 and expressed apologies and remorse to former comfort women.
有識者による政府の検討会が、元慰安婦への「おわびと反省」を表明した１９９３年８月の河野談話の作成過程を検証した報告書をまとめた。
South Korea demanded changes in certain expressions in the initial draft, saying The documents must be evaluated favorably by the South Korean people. The report shed light on the close coordination about the statement’s wording between the Japanese and South Korean governments.
韓国側が「韓国国民から評価を受け得るものでなければならない」と談話の修正を求めるなど、日韓両政府が緊密に表現を調整した実態が明らかになった。
Regarding whether coerciveness was involved in the recruitment of comfort women, a focal point of this issue, the 1993 statement said, “They were recruited generally against their own will, through coaxing, coercion, etc.”
焦点の慰安婦募集の強制性について、談話は「甘言、強圧による等、総じて本人たちの意思に反して行われた」としている。
In explaining why the statement used such expressions, the report clearly said, “...the question of how ‘coerciveness’ of the recruitment of the comfort women would be expressed and worded in the statement constituted the main issue of contention in the communication” with the South Korean side and “Coordination took place until the last moment.”
こうした表現になった経緯に関し、報告書は「どのような表現・文言で織り込むかが韓国側とのやりとりの核心」で、「最後まで調整が実施された」と明記した。
As for the Japanese military’s involvement in the establishment of comfort stations, the South Korean side insisted on using the expression “instruction,” which was rejected by Japan, the report said. Both sides eventually settled on the word “request” instead.
慰安所の設置に関する日本軍の関与については、日本軍の「指示」との表現を盛り込むよう韓国側が求めたが、日本側は拒否し、「要請」との表現に落ち着いた。
At the request of the South Korean government, the Japanese government interviewed 16 former comfort women, but the statement was drafted within the Japanese government before all the interviews were concluded.
韓国側の求めで、日本政府は元慰安婦１６人の聞き取り調査を行ったが、調査終了前に政府内で原案が作成されていたという。
Problem-plagued statement
It is clear that the government gave priority to making political compromises and paying diplomatic consideration over historical facts. It is a problem-plagued statement made jointly by Japan and South Korea.
事実関係よりも政治的妥協と外交的配慮を優先したのは明らかだ。極めて問題の多い“日韓合作”の談話と言えよう。
Until this time, the Japanese government had avoided in-depth discussions to ascertain the facts regarding the issue of comfort women and the Kono statement.
日本政府は従来、慰安婦問題や河野談話の事実関係について、突っ込んだ議論を避けてきた。
Examining in detail the process of drafting the statement and releasing the results are meaningful in resolving misunderstanding in the international community about the issue of comfort women.
今回、談話の作成過程を詳しく検証し、公表したことは、慰安婦問題をめぐる国際社会の誤解を解くうえで一定の意味がある。
According to the report, the statement did not say the authorities were “forcefully taking away” women, as the Japanese government was not able to confirm it based on its investigations.
日本側は、調査では官憲による強制連行は確認できなかったとして、談話には「強制連行」という言葉は使わなかった。
But at a press conference during which the statement was released, Kono responded to a question about whether women were forcefully taken away by saying, “We accept that to be the case.” Kono committed a serious transgression by further spreading wrong conceptions about the issue.
だが、河野氏は談話発表時の記者会見で、強制連行の有無についての質問に、「そういう事実があった」と答えた。誤った認識をさらに広げた河野氏の罪は重い。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has made it clear that the government will not review the statement, a decision he probably made from the broader political perspective of seeking an improvement in relations between Japan and South Korea. Seoul, however, refuted Japan’s verification of the statement, saying the move could “impair the credibility of the statement.”
安倍首相は、河野談話を見直さない方針を明言している。日韓関係の改善を模索するための大局的な政治判断だろう。だが、韓国政府は、検証について「談話の信頼性を損ねる」と反発している。
Since the Kono statement, there has been widespread misunderstanding in the world that Japan forcibly took away comfort women.
河野談話が起点となり、日本が慰安婦を強制連行したかのような誤解が世界中に広がっている。
In the U.S. city of Glendale, Calif., Korean-Americans with strong ties with South Korea engaged in anti-Japanese activity by setting up a statue of a comfort woman.
米国では昨年、グレンデール市に慰安婦像が設置され、韓国系米国人による反日運動が展開された。
The government has not launched effective counterarguments because of the Kono statement.
河野談話があるために、政府は有効な反論を行えずにいる。
We believe it will eventually be unavoidable to change the statement.
談話の見直しは、いずれ避けられないのではないか。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 21, 2014)
Diplomatic consideration outweighed historical facts in Kono statement
河野談話検証 外交的配慮が事実に優先した
Once again a flaw in the 1993 statement issued by then Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono on so-called comfort women has come to the fore.
いわゆる従軍慰安婦に関する河野官房長官談話の綻びが、改めて浮き彫りになった。
A team of experts set up by the government has compiled a report examining the process of drafting the Kono statement, which was issued in August 1993 and expressed apologies and remorse to former comfort women.
有識者による政府の検討会が、元慰安婦への「おわびと反省」を表明した１９９３年８月の河野談話の作成過程を検証した報告書をまとめた。
South Korea demanded changes in certain expressions in the initial draft, saying The documents must be evaluated favorably by the South Korean people. The report shed light on the close coordination about the statement’s wording between the Japanese and South Korean governments.
韓国側が「韓国国民から評価を受け得るものでなければならない」と談話の修正を求めるなど、日韓両政府が緊密に表現を調整した実態が明らかになった。
Regarding whether coerciveness was involved in the recruitment of comfort women, a focal point of this issue, the 1993 statement said, “They were recruited generally against their own will, through coaxing, coercion, etc.”
焦点の慰安婦募集の強制性について、談話は「甘言、強圧による等、総じて本人たちの意思に反して行われた」としている。
In explaining why the statement used such expressions, the report clearly said, “...the question of how ‘coerciveness’ of the recruitment of the comfort women would be expressed and worded in the statement constituted the main issue of contention in the communication” with the South Korean side and “Coordination took place until the last moment.”
こうした表現になった経緯に関し、報告書は「どのような表現・文言で織り込むかが韓国側とのやりとりの核心」で、「最後まで調整が実施された」と明記した。
As for the Japanese military’s involvement in the establishment of comfort stations, the South Korean side insisted on using the expression “instruction,” which was rejected by Japan, the report said. Both sides eventually settled on the word “request” instead.
慰安所の設置に関する日本軍の関与については、日本軍の「指示」との表現を盛り込むよう韓国側が求めたが、日本側は拒否し、「要請」との表現に落ち着いた。
At the request of the South Korean government, the Japanese government interviewed 16 former comfort women, but the statement was drafted within the Japanese government before all the interviews were concluded.
韓国側の求めで、日本政府は元慰安婦１６人の聞き取り調査を行ったが、調査終了前に政府内で原案が作成されていたという。
Problem-plagued statement
It is clear that the government gave priority to making political compromises and paying diplomatic consideration over historical facts. It is a problem-plagued statement made jointly by Japan and South Korea.
事実関係よりも政治的妥協と外交的配慮を優先したのは明らかだ。極めて問題の多い“日韓合作”の談話と言えよう。
Until this time, the Japanese government had avoided in-depth discussions to ascertain the facts regarding the issue of comfort women and the Kono statement.
日本政府は従来、慰安婦問題や河野談話の事実関係について、突っ込んだ議論を避けてきた。
Examining in detail the process of drafting the statement and releasing the results are meaningful in resolving misunderstanding in the international community about the issue of comfort women.
今回、談話の作成過程を詳しく検証し、公表したことは、慰安婦問題をめぐる国際社会の誤解を解くうえで一定の意味がある。
According to the report, the statement did not say the authorities were “forcefully taking away” women, as the Japanese government was not able to confirm it based on its investigations.
日本側は、調査では官憲による強制連行は確認できなかったとして、談話には「強制連行」という言葉は使わなかった。
But at a press conference during which the statement was released, Kono responded to a question about whether women were forcefully taken away by saying, “We accept that to be the case.” Kono committed a serious transgression by further spreading wrong conceptions about the issue.
だが、河野氏は談話発表時の記者会見で、強制連行の有無についての質問に、「そういう事実があった」と答えた。誤った認識をさらに広げた河野氏の罪は重い。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has made it clear that the government will not review the statement, a decision he probably made from the broader political perspective of seeking an improvement in relations between Japan and South Korea. Seoul, however, refuted Japan’s verification of the statement, saying the move could “impair the credibility of the statement.”
安倍首相は、河野談話を見直さない方針を明言している。日韓関係の改善を模索するための大局的な政治判断だろう。だが、韓国政府は、検証について「談話の信頼性を損ねる」と反発している。
Since the Kono statement, there has been widespread misunderstanding in the world that Japan forcibly took away comfort women.
河野談話が起点となり、日本が慰安婦を強制連行したかのような誤解が世界中に広がっている。
In the U.S. city of Glendale, Calif., Korean-Americans with strong ties with South Korea engaged in anti-Japanese activity by setting up a statue of a comfort woman.
米国では昨年、グレンデール市に慰安婦像が設置され、韓国系米国人による反日運動が展開された。
The government has not launched effective counterarguments because of the Kono statement.
河野談話があるために、政府は有効な反論を行えずにいる。
We believe it will eventually be unavoidable to change the statement.
談話の見直しは、いずれ避けられないのではないか。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 21, 2014)
PR
June 19, 2014
EDITORIAL: Ishihara’s remark about interim storage facility adds insult to injury
環境相の発言―「最後は金」が蝕むもの
No doubt about it. Environment Minister Nobuteru Ishihara’s insensitive remark about the problem of selecting a site to temporarily store radiation-contaminated soil reflected a slice of the grim reality of the terrible mess caused by the 2011 disaster at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
そうだ。石原伸晃環境相の言葉が無神経に映したのは、いまの福島の一断面である。
“In the end, it will come down to money,” Ishihara said, giving the impression that giving wads of cash to residents in Fukushima Prefecture was the only way to resolve the problem.
「最後は金目でしょ」
Indeed, there are a slew of issues in areas affected by the nuclear catastrophe that cannot be solved without payments of money. A huge amount of funds will be needed to pay compensation to victims, complete decontamination work of affected areas and rebuild disaster-hit areas. There is also the question of returning local residents to their homes and providing support for evacuees who are living in new areas.
損害賠償も除染も帰還も、移転先での新しい生活も。復興でさえも。原発事故の被災地には、「最後は金目」な案件がうずまいている。
But it is not money people in the affected areas in Fukushima really want.
だけど、福島の人たちが本当に欲しいのはお金じゃない。
What they really crave is a return to the good old days when they didn’t have to worry about radiation while working their rice and vegetable fields or spending their leisure time on the beach laughing with their children and grandchildren.
放射能なんかこれっぽっちも気にしなくてよかった日々であり、田んぼや畑や海で汗をぬぐうひとときであり、子どもや孫と笑って過ごせる生活だ。
They know full well that they can’t get that life back. That is what makes their current situation all the more wretched.
取り戻せないことはわかっている。だからこそ、やりきれない。
It is the central government, not residents in areas around the Fukushima nuclear plant, that wants to solve all the problems with money.
金目で済ませたいのは、住民ではない。国のほうなのだ。
Money is certainly a convenient tool. It seems to be a panacea for issues involving compensation.
確かに、お金は便利だ。「代償」の道具として万能にみえる。
Since the triple meltdown in 2011, however, money has been undermining the affected communities in Fukushima.
だけど、そのお金は原発事故のあと、福島をひたすら蝕（むしば）んでもきた。
Some people in these communities have received payouts, while others haven’t. Some have received what was seen as “too much” compensation, while others felt the payments to them were “insufficient.”
「もらった」「もらえない」「足りない」「もらいすぎだ」――。
Despite appearing to be neutral and impartial, the money has aggressively intruded into local communities, families and relationships between friends in a divisive manner.
無色透明を装いながら、遠慮なしに地域や家族や友人関係に踏み込み、分断した。
Over the past three years, people in Fukushima have had enough painful experiences to make them aware of how money can create contradictions and emptiness. During the period, they have also had to fight the perception that they are pursuing money as their ultimate goal.
この３年間、その矛盾と空虚さをいやというほどかみしめてきた。「どうせ金なんだろ」という目と闘いながら。
Given these circumstances, they have been struggling to pull themselves together, rebuild their relations with people around them and figure out how to live. It is people in Fukushima, not the central government, who have been addressing these weighty problems.
その中で自分をどう取り戻し、周りとの関係を結びなおし、いかに生きるか。重たい問いと向き合ってきたのは、国ではない。彼らのほうだ。
The same can be said about the proposed facility for interim storage of radioactive soil. The residents, quite naturally, do not want such a facility in their hometowns. But there can be no progress in the efforts to rebuild Fukushima unless contaminated soil can be stored somewhere.
中間貯蔵施設もそうだ。ふるさとに、そんなものは欲しくない。だが、除染した汚染土をどこかで保管しなければ、福島全体の復興が進まない。
Some people probably attended explanatory meetings for local residents as a way to escape from their anxieties and find answers for the way forward.
葛藤から抜け出し、なにか前を向いていくための答えを探しに住民説明会へと足を運んだ人たちもいただろう。
Ishihara’s remark broke the hearts of those people.
石原氏の言葉は、そういう人たちの心をへし折った。
The government’s promise to dispose of the soil outside the prefecture within 30 years can now only sound hollow.
「３０年以内の県外処分」も、もはやそらぞらしい響きにしか聞こえまい。
Which community outside the prefecture would be willing to accept a huge amount of contaminated soil?
膨大な量の汚染土を、いったい県外のどこが引き取るというのか。
The grossly irresponsible way the government has been making empty promises concerning the issue seems to be reflected in the callous attitude of the minister, who bluntly said that it is after all a question of money.
あてもないまま「約束します」と繰り返す国の軽さが、「最後は金目」と言い放つ大臣の姿と重なる。
Since the controversial remark, Ishihara has been busy explaining what he meant and offering apologies.
発言後、石原氏は釈明と陳謝に追われている。
The negotiations over the storage site have already been difficult and arduous.
ただでさえ、むずかしさを増していた交渉だ。
It will be a formidable task to repair the government’s relations with the local communities that have been badly damaged by Ishihara’s gaffe.
こんな形で断ち切ってしまった関係を修復するのは、容易ではないだろう。
Ishihara, the minister responsible for the issue of the storage site, didn’t attend any of the explanatory meetings held over a period of about two weeks.
約２週間にわたった説明会に担当大臣である石原氏は一度も出席しなかった。
Ishihara should visit the communities and listen to what their residents say.
まずは現地に足を運び、耳を傾けるといい。
Doing so would help him realize the grave implications of what he said and the seriousness of the damage it caused to the communities.
自らの発言の罪深さを、蝕んでしまったものの重さを、骨身で実感するために。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 19
EDITORIAL: Ishihara’s remark about interim storage facility adds insult to injury
環境相の発言―「最後は金」が蝕むもの
No doubt about it. Environment Minister Nobuteru Ishihara’s insensitive remark about the problem of selecting a site to temporarily store radiation-contaminated soil reflected a slice of the grim reality of the terrible mess caused by the 2011 disaster at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
そうだ。石原伸晃環境相の言葉が無神経に映したのは、いまの福島の一断面である。
“In the end, it will come down to money,” Ishihara said, giving the impression that giving wads of cash to residents in Fukushima Prefecture was the only way to resolve the problem.
「最後は金目でしょ」
Indeed, there are a slew of issues in areas affected by the nuclear catastrophe that cannot be solved without payments of money. A huge amount of funds will be needed to pay compensation to victims, complete decontamination work of affected areas and rebuild disaster-hit areas. There is also the question of returning local residents to their homes and providing support for evacuees who are living in new areas.
損害賠償も除染も帰還も、移転先での新しい生活も。復興でさえも。原発事故の被災地には、「最後は金目」な案件がうずまいている。
But it is not money people in the affected areas in Fukushima really want.
だけど、福島の人たちが本当に欲しいのはお金じゃない。
What they really crave is a return to the good old days when they didn’t have to worry about radiation while working their rice and vegetable fields or spending their leisure time on the beach laughing with their children and grandchildren.
放射能なんかこれっぽっちも気にしなくてよかった日々であり、田んぼや畑や海で汗をぬぐうひとときであり、子どもや孫と笑って過ごせる生活だ。
They know full well that they can’t get that life back. That is what makes their current situation all the more wretched.
取り戻せないことはわかっている。だからこそ、やりきれない。
It is the central government, not residents in areas around the Fukushima nuclear plant, that wants to solve all the problems with money.
金目で済ませたいのは、住民ではない。国のほうなのだ。
Money is certainly a convenient tool. It seems to be a panacea for issues involving compensation.
確かに、お金は便利だ。「代償」の道具として万能にみえる。
Since the triple meltdown in 2011, however, money has been undermining the affected communities in Fukushima.
だけど、そのお金は原発事故のあと、福島をひたすら蝕（むしば）んでもきた。
Some people in these communities have received payouts, while others haven’t. Some have received what was seen as “too much” compensation, while others felt the payments to them were “insufficient.”
「もらった」「もらえない」「足りない」「もらいすぎだ」――。
Despite appearing to be neutral and impartial, the money has aggressively intruded into local communities, families and relationships between friends in a divisive manner.
無色透明を装いながら、遠慮なしに地域や家族や友人関係に踏み込み、分断した。
Over the past three years, people in Fukushima have had enough painful experiences to make them aware of how money can create contradictions and emptiness. During the period, they have also had to fight the perception that they are pursuing money as their ultimate goal.
この３年間、その矛盾と空虚さをいやというほどかみしめてきた。「どうせ金なんだろ」という目と闘いながら。
Given these circumstances, they have been struggling to pull themselves together, rebuild their relations with people around them and figure out how to live. It is people in Fukushima, not the central government, who have been addressing these weighty problems.
その中で自分をどう取り戻し、周りとの関係を結びなおし、いかに生きるか。重たい問いと向き合ってきたのは、国ではない。彼らのほうだ。
The same can be said about the proposed facility for interim storage of radioactive soil. The residents, quite naturally, do not want such a facility in their hometowns. But there can be no progress in the efforts to rebuild Fukushima unless contaminated soil can be stored somewhere.
中間貯蔵施設もそうだ。ふるさとに、そんなものは欲しくない。だが、除染した汚染土をどこかで保管しなければ、福島全体の復興が進まない。
Some people probably attended explanatory meetings for local residents as a way to escape from their anxieties and find answers for the way forward.
葛藤から抜け出し、なにか前を向いていくための答えを探しに住民説明会へと足を運んだ人たちもいただろう。
Ishihara’s remark broke the hearts of those people.
石原氏の言葉は、そういう人たちの心をへし折った。
The government’s promise to dispose of the soil outside the prefecture within 30 years can now only sound hollow.
「３０年以内の県外処分」も、もはやそらぞらしい響きにしか聞こえまい。
Which community outside the prefecture would be willing to accept a huge amount of contaminated soil?
膨大な量の汚染土を、いったい県外のどこが引き取るというのか。
The grossly irresponsible way the government has been making empty promises concerning the issue seems to be reflected in the callous attitude of the minister, who bluntly said that it is after all a question of money.
あてもないまま「約束します」と繰り返す国の軽さが、「最後は金目」と言い放つ大臣の姿と重なる。
Since the controversial remark, Ishihara has been busy explaining what he meant and offering apologies.
発言後、石原氏は釈明と陳謝に追われている。
The negotiations over the storage site have already been difficult and arduous.
ただでさえ、むずかしさを増していた交渉だ。
It will be a formidable task to repair the government’s relations with the local communities that have been badly damaged by Ishihara’s gaffe.
こんな形で断ち切ってしまった関係を修復するのは、容易ではないだろう。
Ishihara, the minister responsible for the issue of the storage site, didn’t attend any of the explanatory meetings held over a period of about two weeks.
約２週間にわたった説明会に担当大臣である石原氏は一度も出席しなかった。
Ishihara should visit the communities and listen to what their residents say.
まずは現地に足を運び、耳を傾けるといい。
Doing so would help him realize the grave implications of what he said and the seriousness of the damage it caused to the communities.
自らの発言の罪深さを、蝕んでしまったものの重さを、骨身で実感するために。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 19
June 18, 2014
EDITORIAL: Abe needs to get priorities right before reactor restarts
原発再稼働の前に―「被害地元」と向き合え
The central government has required all prefectural and municipal entities within a 30-kilometer radius of nuclear power plants to have their own emergency response plans.
This was one of the lessons of the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster.
Does it follow then that areas outside the 30-km radius are safe?
大飯原発での事故を想定し、甲状腺の被曝線量が５０ミリシーベルト超となる可能性がある地域
福島での大事故の後、国は原発から３０キロ圏内の地域に、万一の事態に備えて防災計画を立てるよう求めている。では３０キロ圏外の地域は安全なのか。
That is anything but the case, as indicated by estimates of predicted dispersions of radioactive materials made by local governments around nuclear power plants.
とてもそうは言えない。原発の周辺自治体が試算した放射性物質拡散予測で、その現実が次々と浮き彫りになっている。
For example, the border of Hyogo Prefecture is at least 40 kilometers from the offline Oi and Takahama nuclear power plants in Fukui Prefecture, which operator Kansai Electric Power Co. intends to restart at an early date.
例えば兵庫県は、関西電力が早期の再稼働をめざす福井県の大飯、高浜の両原発から最短でも４０キロ離れている。
But the Hyogo prefectural government used data on past weather patterns to estimate what levels of radiation thyroid glands would be exposed to in the event of Fukushima-class disasters taking place at both the Oi and Takahama plants. It found that the doses could exceed the international benchmark of 50 millisieverts in seven days, even on Awajishima island, which is 150 kilometers from the nuclear power plants. Individuals exposed to radiation levels of 50 millisieverts or higher are advised to take iodine tablets to protect their thyroid glands from radiation.
両原発で福島級の事故が起きたと想定し、過去の気象データを基に甲状腺の被曝（ひばく）線量を調べた。すると、１５０キロ離れた淡路島でも「安定ヨウ素剤の服用が必要」とする国際基準（７日間で５０ミリシーベルト）を超える場合があるとわかった。
Depending on wind direction, similar scenarios were also indicated for the cities of Kobe, Amagasaki, Nishinomiya and elsewhere along the Hanshin belt between Osaka and Kobe.
神戸市や尼崎、西宮市などの阪神間でも、風向きによって基準値を大きく上回る可能性が浮かんだ。
Simulations by the Shiga prefectural government found that, in a worst-case scenario, a Fukushima-class disaster at Oi could spread radioactive materials exceeding the international benchmark into the airspace above Lake Biwako, more than 40 kilometers away. Similarly affected areas could include parts of Kyoto and Osaka prefectures.
滋賀県の試算でも、大飯原発で福島級の事故が起きると、最悪の場合、４０キロ以上離れた琵琶湖上空まで基準を超える放射性物質が届くという結果が出た。基準超えの地域は京都、大阪府にも広がっていた。
What do these estimates signify?
なぜこんなことになるのか。
RISK OF THYROID CANCER
■甲状腺がんのリスク
A major accident at a nuclear power plant releases radioactive substances, which will eventually contaminate surface areas. Under international standards, evacuations and decontamination work would be required in areas where an individual's total body irradiation level exceeds 100 millisieverts in seven days. In the event of a Fukushima-class disaster, the areas requiring evacuation and decontamination work would be roughly within a 30-km radius of the stricken plant.
原発が大事故を起こすと、大気中に飛び出した放射性物質が広がり、地表も汚染する。福島級の事故の場合、避難や除染を必要とする国際基準（７日間の全身被曝で１００ミリシーベルト）を超える地域は、原発からおおむね３０キロ圏内とされた。
But winds carry and spread airborne radioactive plumes further away. In areas where radioactive iodine in the atmosphere has not been sufficiently rarefied, thyroid glands are exposed to radiation and the risk of thyroid cancer rises, especially among small children. It is vital to put a system in place to speedily discern the spread of radioactive plumes and determine the right timing for people to take iodine tablets.
だが放射性物質の集まり「プルーム」は、風任せでさらに外へと流れていく。大気中の放射性ヨウ素が十分に薄まっていないエリアでは、のど元の甲状腺が被曝して、小さな子どもが甲状腺がんになる確率が高くなる。プルームの拡散状況を素早く把握する体制を整え、的確なタイミングで安定ヨウ素剤を飲んでもらう備えが欠かせない。
One other factor that must be taken into consideration is that when it rains along the plume's track, concentrations of cesium and other radioactive materials that have long-term effects will fall to the ground and contaminate the soil. When that happens, temporary measures will not be sufficient.
さらに考慮せねばならないのは、プルームの通過と降雨が重なれば、セシウムなど長期の影響をもたらす放射性物質が地上に集中的に落ちて、土地を汚染してしまうことだ。そうなれば一時的な対策ではすまない。
In the Fukushima Prefecture village of Iitate, about 40 km from the crippled Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, rain fell just when a radioactive plume reached the community. Before the nuclear disaster, the villagers were in the process of building a self-sustaining farming operation in the belief that everyone could live happily. The village had not benefited financially from the nearby nuclear power plant. But since the disaster, the entire village has remained off-limits to the villagers.
福島第一原発から約４０キロ離れた福島県飯舘村では、プルームが飯舘村の上空に達したとき雨が降った。原発マネーとは縁遠く、地産地消や心の豊かさを目指す村づくりを進めていた。だが事故のせいで、今も全域が避難区域に指定されている。
The Union of Kansai Governments, whose members come from seven prefectures, including Osaka and Kyoto, has called on the central government to issue comprehensive guidelines on measures that should be taken in areas outside the 30-km radius from nuclear power plants, based on studies by local governments.
関西広域連合は自治体の独自調査の結果をふまえ、３０キロ圏外対策の具体的な指針を出すよう国に求めた。
Viable evacuation plans, along with prepared guidelines, need to be in place before issuing the order to evacuate. Otherwise, chaos can result. This was made clear from statements given to the government’s Investigation Committee on the Accident at the Fukushima Nuclear Power Stations by Tetsuro Fukuyama, a former deputy chief Cabinet secretary who was in charge of the evacuation process during the Fukushima crisis.
備えがなくては避難指示がいかに混乱するかは、明るみに出た「福山調書」でもはっきりした。
Acknowledging the need for such guidelines, the central government states in its nuclear disaster response policy outline that the Nuclear Regulation Authority will consider defining the extent of evacuation zones and other matters. 国も必要性を認め、原子力規制委員会が範囲の設定などを検討すると、原子力災害対策指針に記している。
However, the NRA has yet to embark on this task in earnest, mainly because it is engaged in safety screenings ahead of nuclear power plant restarts.
だが規制委では今も本格的な検討はされておらず、再稼働に向けて、原発の施設内の審査が着々と進む。
LEGITIMATE DEMAND
■当たり前の主張
With nuclear power generation, there is no such thing as "absolute safety"--no matter how stringent the regulations. もちろん規制をいくら強めても「絶対に安全」はない。
If any nuclear power plant is to be put into operation, the very least that must be done is to get an accurate grasp of the areas that will be affected in the event of a disaster.
By the same token, residents of those areas need to be informed of the exact nature of the risks they face and the steps that will be taken in the event of a nuclear accident.
原発を動かすなら、事故で被害を受ける地域を把握し、具体的な危険と対策を示して住民の了解を得ることが最低限必要である。
But to assume the central government understands this concept would be asking a lot.
だが国の覚悟は疑わしい。
Even though municipalities that host nuclear power plants will not be the only ones affected in a nuclear accident, the government's Strategic Energy Plan states that the central government "will strive to obtain the understanding and cooperation of people associated with the municipalities that host nuclear power plants" before restarting offline reactors.
被害を受けるのは立地自治体だけではないのに、エネルギー基本計画には、再稼働の際は「立地自治体等関係者の理解と協力を得るよう取り組む」と記した。
Here, we can see right through the government's intent to press for the resumption of operations by taking advantage of those local governments' dependence on nuclear power plants for their fiscal and employment needs.
財政や雇用を原発に頼る自治体の弱みを見越して再稼働をスルリと進めたい思惑が見える。
After the onset of the Fukushima disaster, Shiga Governor Yukiko Kada came up with the term "higai jimoto" to denote all local governments, not just those which host nuclear power plants, that could be seriously affected by a nuclear accident.
滋賀県の嘉田由紀子知事は福島での事故後、「被害地元」という考え方を示した。
Kada demanded the central government recognize them all as affected parties and allow them to get involved in the process before restarting nuclear plants.
原発を動かすかどうかは、事故の被害を受ける全ての自治体が地元としてかかわれるようにしてほしいと求めている。
This is a legitimate demand. In reality, however, it is still only the municipal and prefectural governments hosting nuclear power plants that have any real say.
当然の主張だ。だが現実は、立地自治体以外はほとんど口出しできない状況が続いている。
Toshiki Kudo, mayor of Hakodate in Hokkaido, who filed a lawsuit demanding the suspension of construction of the Oma nuclear power plant in neighboring Aomori Prefecture, warned that the same old "safety myth" of nuclear power generation will be perpetuated if the project is allowed to have its way.
隣の青森県にある大間原発の建設差し止めを求めて提訴した北海道函館市の工藤寿樹市長は、このままではまた「安全神話」になってしまうと警鐘を鳴らす。
"It will be game over for our country if the government stops trying its hardest to win the understanding of the people," Kudo said.
「理解を得るための手間ひまを惜しんだらおしまいだ」
At a recent news conference on Japan's right to collective self-defense, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe reiterated that the government will "protect lives of the Japanese people." If he is genuinely committed to saving people's lives, he obviously needs to look squarely at all local communities that could be seriously affected by a nuclear disaster before he can even begin to argue in favor of restarting idle nuclear reactors.
日本人の命を守る――。集団的自衛権の行使をめぐる記者会見で、安倍首相は繰り返した。それならば、原発事故の被害地元とも向き合わねばならない。再稼働の議論はそこからだ。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 18
EDITORIAL: Abe needs to get priorities right before reactor restarts
原発再稼働の前に―「被害地元」と向き合え
The central government has required all prefectural and municipal entities within a 30-kilometer radius of nuclear power plants to have their own emergency response plans.
This was one of the lessons of the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster.
Does it follow then that areas outside the 30-km radius are safe?
大飯原発での事故を想定し、甲状腺の被曝線量が５０ミリシーベルト超となる可能性がある地域
福島での大事故の後、国は原発から３０キロ圏内の地域に、万一の事態に備えて防災計画を立てるよう求めている。では３０キロ圏外の地域は安全なのか。
That is anything but the case, as indicated by estimates of predicted dispersions of radioactive materials made by local governments around nuclear power plants.
とてもそうは言えない。原発の周辺自治体が試算した放射性物質拡散予測で、その現実が次々と浮き彫りになっている。
For example, the border of Hyogo Prefecture is at least 40 kilometers from the offline Oi and Takahama nuclear power plants in Fukui Prefecture, which operator Kansai Electric Power Co. intends to restart at an early date.
例えば兵庫県は、関西電力が早期の再稼働をめざす福井県の大飯、高浜の両原発から最短でも４０キロ離れている。
But the Hyogo prefectural government used data on past weather patterns to estimate what levels of radiation thyroid glands would be exposed to in the event of Fukushima-class disasters taking place at both the Oi and Takahama plants. It found that the doses could exceed the international benchmark of 50 millisieverts in seven days, even on Awajishima island, which is 150 kilometers from the nuclear power plants. Individuals exposed to radiation levels of 50 millisieverts or higher are advised to take iodine tablets to protect their thyroid glands from radiation.
両原発で福島級の事故が起きたと想定し、過去の気象データを基に甲状腺の被曝（ひばく）線量を調べた。すると、１５０キロ離れた淡路島でも「安定ヨウ素剤の服用が必要」とする国際基準（７日間で５０ミリシーベルト）を超える場合があるとわかった。
Depending on wind direction, similar scenarios were also indicated for the cities of Kobe, Amagasaki, Nishinomiya and elsewhere along the Hanshin belt between Osaka and Kobe.
神戸市や尼崎、西宮市などの阪神間でも、風向きによって基準値を大きく上回る可能性が浮かんだ。
Simulations by the Shiga prefectural government found that, in a worst-case scenario, a Fukushima-class disaster at Oi could spread radioactive materials exceeding the international benchmark into the airspace above Lake Biwako, more than 40 kilometers away. Similarly affected areas could include parts of Kyoto and Osaka prefectures.
滋賀県の試算でも、大飯原発で福島級の事故が起きると、最悪の場合、４０キロ以上離れた琵琶湖上空まで基準を超える放射性物質が届くという結果が出た。基準超えの地域は京都、大阪府にも広がっていた。
What do these estimates signify?
なぜこんなことになるのか。
RISK OF THYROID CANCER
■甲状腺がんのリスク
A major accident at a nuclear power plant releases radioactive substances, which will eventually contaminate surface areas. Under international standards, evacuations and decontamination work would be required in areas where an individual's total body irradiation level exceeds 100 millisieverts in seven days. In the event of a Fukushima-class disaster, the areas requiring evacuation and decontamination work would be roughly within a 30-km radius of the stricken plant.
原発が大事故を起こすと、大気中に飛び出した放射性物質が広がり、地表も汚染する。福島級の事故の場合、避難や除染を必要とする国際基準（７日間の全身被曝で１００ミリシーベルト）を超える地域は、原発からおおむね３０キロ圏内とされた。
But winds carry and spread airborne radioactive plumes further away. In areas where radioactive iodine in the atmosphere has not been sufficiently rarefied, thyroid glands are exposed to radiation and the risk of thyroid cancer rises, especially among small children. It is vital to put a system in place to speedily discern the spread of radioactive plumes and determine the right timing for people to take iodine tablets.
だが放射性物質の集まり「プルーム」は、風任せでさらに外へと流れていく。大気中の放射性ヨウ素が十分に薄まっていないエリアでは、のど元の甲状腺が被曝して、小さな子どもが甲状腺がんになる確率が高くなる。プルームの拡散状況を素早く把握する体制を整え、的確なタイミングで安定ヨウ素剤を飲んでもらう備えが欠かせない。
One other factor that must be taken into consideration is that when it rains along the plume's track, concentrations of cesium and other radioactive materials that have long-term effects will fall to the ground and contaminate the soil. When that happens, temporary measures will not be sufficient.
さらに考慮せねばならないのは、プルームの通過と降雨が重なれば、セシウムなど長期の影響をもたらす放射性物質が地上に集中的に落ちて、土地を汚染してしまうことだ。そうなれば一時的な対策ではすまない。
In the Fukushima Prefecture village of Iitate, about 40 km from the crippled Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, rain fell just when a radioactive plume reached the community. Before the nuclear disaster, the villagers were in the process of building a self-sustaining farming operation in the belief that everyone could live happily. The village had not benefited financially from the nearby nuclear power plant. But since the disaster, the entire village has remained off-limits to the villagers.
福島第一原発から約４０キロ離れた福島県飯舘村では、プルームが飯舘村の上空に達したとき雨が降った。原発マネーとは縁遠く、地産地消や心の豊かさを目指す村づくりを進めていた。だが事故のせいで、今も全域が避難区域に指定されている。
The Union of Kansai Governments, whose members come from seven prefectures, including Osaka and Kyoto, has called on the central government to issue comprehensive guidelines on measures that should be taken in areas outside the 30-km radius from nuclear power plants, based on studies by local governments.
関西広域連合は自治体の独自調査の結果をふまえ、３０キロ圏外対策の具体的な指針を出すよう国に求めた。
Viable evacuation plans, along with prepared guidelines, need to be in place before issuing the order to evacuate. Otherwise, chaos can result. This was made clear from statements given to the government’s Investigation Committee on the Accident at the Fukushima Nuclear Power Stations by Tetsuro Fukuyama, a former deputy chief Cabinet secretary who was in charge of the evacuation process during the Fukushima crisis.
備えがなくては避難指示がいかに混乱するかは、明るみに出た「福山調書」でもはっきりした。
Acknowledging the need for such guidelines, the central government states in its nuclear disaster response policy outline that the Nuclear Regulation Authority will consider defining the extent of evacuation zones and other matters. 国も必要性を認め、原子力規制委員会が範囲の設定などを検討すると、原子力災害対策指針に記している。
However, the NRA has yet to embark on this task in earnest, mainly because it is engaged in safety screenings ahead of nuclear power plant restarts.
だが規制委では今も本格的な検討はされておらず、再稼働に向けて、原発の施設内の審査が着々と進む。
LEGITIMATE DEMAND
■当たり前の主張
With nuclear power generation, there is no such thing as "absolute safety"--no matter how stringent the regulations. もちろん規制をいくら強めても「絶対に安全」はない。
If any nuclear power plant is to be put into operation, the very least that must be done is to get an accurate grasp of the areas that will be affected in the event of a disaster.
By the same token, residents of those areas need to be informed of the exact nature of the risks they face and the steps that will be taken in the event of a nuclear accident.
原発を動かすなら、事故で被害を受ける地域を把握し、具体的な危険と対策を示して住民の了解を得ることが最低限必要である。
But to assume the central government understands this concept would be asking a lot.
だが国の覚悟は疑わしい。
Even though municipalities that host nuclear power plants will not be the only ones affected in a nuclear accident, the government's Strategic Energy Plan states that the central government "will strive to obtain the understanding and cooperation of people associated with the municipalities that host nuclear power plants" before restarting offline reactors.
被害を受けるのは立地自治体だけではないのに、エネルギー基本計画には、再稼働の際は「立地自治体等関係者の理解と協力を得るよう取り組む」と記した。
Here, we can see right through the government's intent to press for the resumption of operations by taking advantage of those local governments' dependence on nuclear power plants for their fiscal and employment needs.
財政や雇用を原発に頼る自治体の弱みを見越して再稼働をスルリと進めたい思惑が見える。
After the onset of the Fukushima disaster, Shiga Governor Yukiko Kada came up with the term "higai jimoto" to denote all local governments, not just those which host nuclear power plants, that could be seriously affected by a nuclear accident.
滋賀県の嘉田由紀子知事は福島での事故後、「被害地元」という考え方を示した。
Kada demanded the central government recognize them all as affected parties and allow them to get involved in the process before restarting nuclear plants.
原発を動かすかどうかは、事故の被害を受ける全ての自治体が地元としてかかわれるようにしてほしいと求めている。
This is a legitimate demand. In reality, however, it is still only the municipal and prefectural governments hosting nuclear power plants that have any real say.
当然の主張だ。だが現実は、立地自治体以外はほとんど口出しできない状況が続いている。
Toshiki Kudo, mayor of Hakodate in Hokkaido, who filed a lawsuit demanding the suspension of construction of the Oma nuclear power plant in neighboring Aomori Prefecture, warned that the same old "safety myth" of nuclear power generation will be perpetuated if the project is allowed to have its way.
隣の青森県にある大間原発の建設差し止めを求めて提訴した北海道函館市の工藤寿樹市長は、このままではまた「安全神話」になってしまうと警鐘を鳴らす。
"It will be game over for our country if the government stops trying its hardest to win the understanding of the people," Kudo said.
「理解を得るための手間ひまを惜しんだらおしまいだ」
At a recent news conference on Japan's right to collective self-defense, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe reiterated that the government will "protect lives of the Japanese people." If he is genuinely committed to saving people's lives, he obviously needs to look squarely at all local communities that could be seriously affected by a nuclear disaster before he can even begin to argue in favor of restarting idle nuclear reactors.
日本人の命を守る――。集団的自衛権の行使をめぐる記者会見で、安倍首相は繰り返した。それならば、原発事故の被害地元とも向き合わねばならない。再稼働の議論はそこからだ。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 18
June 17, 2014
EDITORIAL: Young Japanese need help to outgrow defeatist mentality
（社説）若者の意識 「どうせ」のその先へ
An international survey has offered much reassurance to certain people who are pessimistic about Japan’s younger generations.
Some of these pessimists passionately argue that young Japanese do not take pride in their country because of “self-deprecating views” about Japanese history that have been firmly planted in their minds. Others vociferously claim that the consciousness of social norms among Japanese youth has declined because excessive individualism has prevailed.
「『自虐史観』を植えつけられて、若者が自国に誇りを持てなくなっている」
「行き過ぎた個人主義がはびこり規範意識が低下している」
They should feel a little easier now given the results of an online survey, conducted by the Cabinet Office from November to December 2013, covering males and females between the ages of 13 and 29 in Japan, South Korea, the United States, Britain, Germany, France and Sweden.
The survey drew responses from around 1,000 individuals in each country.
The findings were included in this year’s White Paper on Children and Young People that has been approved by the Cabinet.
こう熱心に主張される向きには、まずは安心して頂きたい。
閣議決定された今年の「子ども・若者白書」は、日本、韓国、米国、英国、ドイツ、フランス、スウェーデンの計７カ国で、１３～２９歳の男女約千人ずつを対象に昨年実施したインターネット調査の結果を掲載した。
Seventy percent of the Japanese respondents said they are proud of being their country’s nationals, the fourth-highest ratio following the figures for the United States, Sweden and Britain. In addition, 55 percent of the Japanese respondents said they want to do things that will contribute to their nation, the highest ratio among the seven countries.
「自国人であることに誇りを持っている」と答えた人の割合は、日本が７０％。米国、スウェーデン、英国に次いで高く、「自国のために役立つと思うようなことをしたい」は５５％でトップだった。
When asked if they think individuals are free to do anything they want as long as they don’t cause trouble for others, only 42 percent of the Japanese young people said “yes,” a far lower ratio than the average of about 80 percent for the other countries.
一方「他人に迷惑をかけなければ、何をしようと個人の自由だ」は４２％。他国平均は約８割なので極端に低い。
Such a survey, of course, cannot reveal all of the views and feelings of young people. But it is still troubling to know that only 46 percent of the Japanese respondents felt content with themselves, compared with more than 70 percent in each of the six other countries.
調査で若者意識すべてをつかめるわけではないが、気になるのは「自分自身に満足している」と回答した人の割合が日本は４６％で最下位だったことだ。他の６カ国は７割を超える。
How should we feel about the unique fact that far fewer young Japanese are content with themselves than those who are proud of their country?
日本人であることの誇りが、自分自身への満足を大きく上回るという日本だけのこの傾向をさて、どう考えたらいいのか。
The mind-set of children and young people of today offers hints about what is the invisible but prevailing mood in this society. There is no absolutely correct answer to the question. But we are tempted to think there is a strong undercurrent of a defeatist mentality symbolized by the Japanese word “dose” (anyway, in any case or after all) as used in such a sentence as “Dose dame da” (It's no use, anyway).
いまを生きる子どもや若者の意識からは、目に見えない、この社会の「気分」を感じ取ることができる。正解はない。ただ、基調には「どうせ」が漂っているように思えてならない。
The survey found that just 62 percent of young Japanese had bright hopes for their future. Only 52 percent of the Japanese respondents were willing to tackle important challenges with enthusiasm even when success is not certain, while just 44 percent wanted to get involved in dealing with societal problems to make society better, according to the survey.
And only 30 percent of young Japanese said they think their participation may change even slightly the social phenomena they want improve. Japanese ranked at the bottom for all these questions.
「自分の将来に明るい希望を持っている」（６２％）、「うまくいくかわからないことにも意欲的に取り組む」（５２％）、「社会をよりよくするため、社会における問題に関与したい」（４４％）、「私の参加により、変えてほしい社会現象が少し変えられるかもしれない」（３０％）。すべて日本が最下位だ。
“Dose” is a convenient word. If you don’t have high hopes, you can avoid disappointment. This can be described as a “happy” attitude toward life in this age of low economic growth.
「どうせ」は便利だ。高望みしなければ、失望せずに済む。低成長時代に適合した、「幸せ」な生き方だとも言える。
If this “dose” mentality spreads, however, many people will view society, which they should shape themselves, as something that cannot be changed.
だが、「どうせ」が広がると、本来は自分たちの手でかたちづくっていくはずの社会が、変わりようのない所与のものとして受けいれられてしまう。
By playing certain roles in society, people fulfill their desire to be recognized by others and have positive feelings about their lives. A society dominated by the “dose” mind-set probably cannot perform that function well.
人は社会のなかで役割を担い、そのことを通じて人に認められたいという欲求を満たし、生きている実感を手にできる。「どうせ」な社会はおそらく、その機能を持ち得ないだろう。
The current situation in Japan poses a serious test of the ability of the more-experienced adults to reject this defeatist mentality. They shouldn’t refuse this challenge by saying, “Such a naive approach can make no difference, anyway.”
「どうせ」なんかじゃない。
彼らよりも長く生きている「大人」がそれを示せるかどうかが、まずは問われている。「そんなキレイゴトじゃ、どうせ何も変わらないんだよ」で、片付けてしまわずに。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 17
EDITORIAL: Young Japanese need help to outgrow defeatist mentality
（社説）若者の意識 「どうせ」のその先へ
An international survey has offered much reassurance to certain people who are pessimistic about Japan’s younger generations.
Some of these pessimists passionately argue that young Japanese do not take pride in their country because of “self-deprecating views” about Japanese history that have been firmly planted in their minds. Others vociferously claim that the consciousness of social norms among Japanese youth has declined because excessive individualism has prevailed.
「『自虐史観』を植えつけられて、若者が自国に誇りを持てなくなっている」
「行き過ぎた個人主義がはびこり規範意識が低下している」
They should feel a little easier now given the results of an online survey, conducted by the Cabinet Office from November to December 2013, covering males and females between the ages of 13 and 29 in Japan, South Korea, the United States, Britain, Germany, France and Sweden.
The survey drew responses from around 1,000 individuals in each country.
The findings were included in this year’s White Paper on Children and Young People that has been approved by the Cabinet.
こう熱心に主張される向きには、まずは安心して頂きたい。
閣議決定された今年の「子ども・若者白書」は、日本、韓国、米国、英国、ドイツ、フランス、スウェーデンの計７カ国で、１３～２９歳の男女約千人ずつを対象に昨年実施したインターネット調査の結果を掲載した。
Seventy percent of the Japanese respondents said they are proud of being their country’s nationals, the fourth-highest ratio following the figures for the United States, Sweden and Britain. In addition, 55 percent of the Japanese respondents said they want to do things that will contribute to their nation, the highest ratio among the seven countries.
「自国人であることに誇りを持っている」と答えた人の割合は、日本が７０％。米国、スウェーデン、英国に次いで高く、「自国のために役立つと思うようなことをしたい」は５５％でトップだった。
When asked if they think individuals are free to do anything they want as long as they don’t cause trouble for others, only 42 percent of the Japanese young people said “yes,” a far lower ratio than the average of about 80 percent for the other countries.
一方「他人に迷惑をかけなければ、何をしようと個人の自由だ」は４２％。他国平均は約８割なので極端に低い。
Such a survey, of course, cannot reveal all of the views and feelings of young people. But it is still troubling to know that only 46 percent of the Japanese respondents felt content with themselves, compared with more than 70 percent in each of the six other countries.
調査で若者意識すべてをつかめるわけではないが、気になるのは「自分自身に満足している」と回答した人の割合が日本は４６％で最下位だったことだ。他の６カ国は７割を超える。
How should we feel about the unique fact that far fewer young Japanese are content with themselves than those who are proud of their country?
日本人であることの誇りが、自分自身への満足を大きく上回るという日本だけのこの傾向をさて、どう考えたらいいのか。
The mind-set of children and young people of today offers hints about what is the invisible but prevailing mood in this society. There is no absolutely correct answer to the question. But we are tempted to think there is a strong undercurrent of a defeatist mentality symbolized by the Japanese word “dose” (anyway, in any case or after all) as used in such a sentence as “Dose dame da” (It's no use, anyway).
いまを生きる子どもや若者の意識からは、目に見えない、この社会の「気分」を感じ取ることができる。正解はない。ただ、基調には「どうせ」が漂っているように思えてならない。
The survey found that just 62 percent of young Japanese had bright hopes for their future. Only 52 percent of the Japanese respondents were willing to tackle important challenges with enthusiasm even when success is not certain, while just 44 percent wanted to get involved in dealing with societal problems to make society better, according to the survey.
And only 30 percent of young Japanese said they think their participation may change even slightly the social phenomena they want improve. Japanese ranked at the bottom for all these questions.
「自分の将来に明るい希望を持っている」（６２％）、「うまくいくかわからないことにも意欲的に取り組む」（５２％）、「社会をよりよくするため、社会における問題に関与したい」（４４％）、「私の参加により、変えてほしい社会現象が少し変えられるかもしれない」（３０％）。すべて日本が最下位だ。
“Dose” is a convenient word. If you don’t have high hopes, you can avoid disappointment. This can be described as a “happy” attitude toward life in this age of low economic growth.
「どうせ」は便利だ。高望みしなければ、失望せずに済む。低成長時代に適合した、「幸せ」な生き方だとも言える。
If this “dose” mentality spreads, however, many people will view society, which they should shape themselves, as something that cannot be changed.
だが、「どうせ」が広がると、本来は自分たちの手でかたちづくっていくはずの社会が、変わりようのない所与のものとして受けいれられてしまう。
By playing certain roles in society, people fulfill their desire to be recognized by others and have positive feelings about their lives. A society dominated by the “dose” mind-set probably cannot perform that function well.
人は社会のなかで役割を担い、そのことを通じて人に認められたいという欲求を満たし、生きている実感を手にできる。「どうせ」な社会はおそらく、その機能を持ち得ないだろう。
The current situation in Japan poses a serious test of the ability of the more-experienced adults to reject this defeatist mentality. They shouldn’t refuse this challenge by saying, “Such a naive approach can make no difference, anyway.”
「どうせ」なんかじゃない。
彼らよりも長く生きている「大人」がそれを示せるかどうかが、まずは問われている。「そんなキレイゴトじゃ、どうせ何も変わらないんだよ」で、片付けてしまわずに。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 17
The Yomiuri Shimbun
What can be done to stop offensive by extremist Sunni insurgents in Iraq?
イラク情勢緊迫 過激派の攻勢をどう抑えるか
The situation in Iraq has become ever more strained. Rebels led by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), a Sunni extremist group advocating the creation of a new Islamic state, have seized several cities in northern Iraq.
イラク情勢が緊迫の度を増している。
「新たなイスラム国家建設」を掲げるスンニ派の過激派組織「イラク・シリアのイスラム国（ＩＳＩＳ）」が、イラク北部の複数の都市を制圧した。
The Iraqi administration of Prime Minister Nouri Maliki is fighting back with air strikes, while recruiting volunteer soldiers from among his Shiite supporters.
マリキ政権は軍による空爆を行い、支持基盤のシーア派から義勇兵を募って応戦している。
This is indeed an alarming situation that increases the turmoil in the Middle East.
中東の混乱に拍車をかける、憂慮すべき事態と言えよう。
The ISIS is an Al-Qaida-inspired armed group. Having expanded its influence by riding the tide of Syria’s civil war, the ISIS is said to have grown to about 5,000 fighters. Upon entering another theater of war in Iraq, the group even declared it would eliminate the border with Syria.
ＩＳＩＳは、国際テロ組織アル・カーイダの流れをくむ武装集団だ。シリア内戦に乗じて勢力を拡大し、推定５０００人規模に膨れ上がった。イラクに転戦する際には、シリアとの国境の抹消までも宣言していた。
The United States has announced a $10 million reward for its leader, who is dubbed the second Osama bin Laden.
指導者は「第２のビンラーディン」とも呼ばれており、米国が１０００万ドルの懸賞金をかけて国際指名手配した。
Imposing strict Islam in seized areas, ISIS militants have killed people for refusing to pledge allegiance to the ISIS. This is a horrific situation from a humanitarian viewpoint. The United Nations has rightly condemned the ISIS, saying the executions were carried out immediately without any legal process. As the turmoil has been spreading, oil prices have begun rising on the market.
ＩＳＩＳは、制圧地域で厳格なイスラム法を適用し、従わない者を殺害している。人道上、極めて問題である。国連が「司法手続きを経ない即決の処刑だ」と非難したのはもっともだ。混乱拡大で、原油価格も上昇し始めた。
Maliki should also be held strictly responsible for having brought about the current situation. He has given preferential treatment to Shiites, who represent the majority of the Iraqi people, in the administration, while persistently driving out their Sunni political opponents.
マリキ首相にもこうした事態を招いた重い責任がある。首相は、国民の多数を占めるシーア派を政権で優遇し、スンニ派の政敵追い落としに固執した。
Morale deteriorating
Even within the military forces and public security organizations, sectarian conflicts have surfaced, undermining the morale of personnel.
軍や治安機関の内部でも宗派対立が顕在化し、士気は低下した。
In the areas attacked by the ISIS, officers and soldiers are said to have fled, discarding their uniforms and equipment. These are the prices Maliki is paying for failing to pursue national reconciliation.
ＩＳＩＳが攻め込んだ地域では、将兵らが制服や装備を投げ出して逃亡したという。
国民融和を怠った首相の統治手法のツケが回った結果である。
It would be difficult for his administration alone to stem the ISIS offensive. For the time being, it is necessary for the international community to support and cooperate with the Maliki administration to avoid further turmoil.
ＩＳＩＳの攻勢をマリキ政権が単独で食い止めるのは困難だろう。当面は、国際社会がマリキ政権を支え、連携して混乱の拡大を回避する必要がある。
Holding the key to such efforts is how the United States reacts to the situation. U.S. President Barack Obama said he would not rule out any options. Later he sent an aircraft carrier to the Persian Gulf, with possible air strikes in mind. But he remains negative about U.S. intervention in the conflict in Iraq and has already ruled out the possibility of putting U.S. troops on the ground there.
カギを握るのは米国の対応だ。オバマ大統領は、「あらゆる選択肢を排除しない」と述べ、空爆も念頭にペルシャ湾へ空母を派遣した。一方で、紛争介入への消極姿勢は変わらず、地上軍投入の可能性を早々に排除した。
Obama was elected to the presidency by advocating the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq and completed their withdrawal in 2011.
オバマ氏は、米軍のイラク撤退を掲げて当選し、２０１１年に撤収を完了させた。
The deteriorating situation in Iraq raises a question for Obama: Has the United States taken sufficient measures to maintain law and order in Iraq following its withdrawal?
イラク情勢の悪化は、撤収後の治安確保の手当てなどが十分だったのかという問いを大統領に突きつけている。
A key point now is how Iran, a major Shiite country neighboring Iraq with a large influence on the Maliki administration, will act. The country is said to be ready to hold direct talks with the United States over assistance to Iraq, despite the fact that the two countries have broken off ties.
シーア派大国で、マリキ政権に影響力を持つ隣国イランの出方も焦点だ。イラク支援をめぐり、断交中の米国とも直接協議する方針という。
Other neighboring countries in the Middle East are urged to present a united front against the ISIS by joining international efforts.
中東の周辺国は、この動きに加わり、対ＩＳＩＳで共闘していくことが求められる。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 17, 2014)
What can be done to stop offensive by extremist Sunni insurgents in Iraq?
イラク情勢緊迫 過激派の攻勢をどう抑えるか
The situation in Iraq has become ever more strained. Rebels led by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), a Sunni extremist group advocating the creation of a new Islamic state, have seized several cities in northern Iraq.
イラク情勢が緊迫の度を増している。
「新たなイスラム国家建設」を掲げるスンニ派の過激派組織「イラク・シリアのイスラム国（ＩＳＩＳ）」が、イラク北部の複数の都市を制圧した。
The Iraqi administration of Prime Minister Nouri Maliki is fighting back with air strikes, while recruiting volunteer soldiers from among his Shiite supporters.
マリキ政権は軍による空爆を行い、支持基盤のシーア派から義勇兵を募って応戦している。
This is indeed an alarming situation that increases the turmoil in the Middle East.
中東の混乱に拍車をかける、憂慮すべき事態と言えよう。
The ISIS is an Al-Qaida-inspired armed group. Having expanded its influence by riding the tide of Syria’s civil war, the ISIS is said to have grown to about 5,000 fighters. Upon entering another theater of war in Iraq, the group even declared it would eliminate the border with Syria.
ＩＳＩＳは、国際テロ組織アル・カーイダの流れをくむ武装集団だ。シリア内戦に乗じて勢力を拡大し、推定５０００人規模に膨れ上がった。イラクに転戦する際には、シリアとの国境の抹消までも宣言していた。
The United States has announced a $10 million reward for its leader, who is dubbed the second Osama bin Laden.
指導者は「第２のビンラーディン」とも呼ばれており、米国が１０００万ドルの懸賞金をかけて国際指名手配した。
Imposing strict Islam in seized areas, ISIS militants have killed people for refusing to pledge allegiance to the ISIS. This is a horrific situation from a humanitarian viewpoint. The United Nations has rightly condemned the ISIS, saying the executions were carried out immediately without any legal process. As the turmoil has been spreading, oil prices have begun rising on the market.
ＩＳＩＳは、制圧地域で厳格なイスラム法を適用し、従わない者を殺害している。人道上、極めて問題である。国連が「司法手続きを経ない即決の処刑だ」と非難したのはもっともだ。混乱拡大で、原油価格も上昇し始めた。
Maliki should also be held strictly responsible for having brought about the current situation. He has given preferential treatment to Shiites, who represent the majority of the Iraqi people, in the administration, while persistently driving out their Sunni political opponents.
マリキ首相にもこうした事態を招いた重い責任がある。首相は、国民の多数を占めるシーア派を政権で優遇し、スンニ派の政敵追い落としに固執した。
Morale deteriorating
Even within the military forces and public security organizations, sectarian conflicts have surfaced, undermining the morale of personnel.
軍や治安機関の内部でも宗派対立が顕在化し、士気は低下した。
In the areas attacked by the ISIS, officers and soldiers are said to have fled, discarding their uniforms and equipment. These are the prices Maliki is paying for failing to pursue national reconciliation.
ＩＳＩＳが攻め込んだ地域では、将兵らが制服や装備を投げ出して逃亡したという。
国民融和を怠った首相の統治手法のツケが回った結果である。
It would be difficult for his administration alone to stem the ISIS offensive. For the time being, it is necessary for the international community to support and cooperate with the Maliki administration to avoid further turmoil.
ＩＳＩＳの攻勢をマリキ政権が単独で食い止めるのは困難だろう。当面は、国際社会がマリキ政権を支え、連携して混乱の拡大を回避する必要がある。
Holding the key to such efforts is how the United States reacts to the situation. U.S. President Barack Obama said he would not rule out any options. Later he sent an aircraft carrier to the Persian Gulf, with possible air strikes in mind. But he remains negative about U.S. intervention in the conflict in Iraq and has already ruled out the possibility of putting U.S. troops on the ground there.
カギを握るのは米国の対応だ。オバマ大統領は、「あらゆる選択肢を排除しない」と述べ、空爆も念頭にペルシャ湾へ空母を派遣した。一方で、紛争介入への消極姿勢は変わらず、地上軍投入の可能性を早々に排除した。
Obama was elected to the presidency by advocating the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq and completed their withdrawal in 2011.
オバマ氏は、米軍のイラク撤退を掲げて当選し、２０１１年に撤収を完了させた。
The deteriorating situation in Iraq raises a question for Obama: Has the United States taken sufficient measures to maintain law and order in Iraq following its withdrawal?
イラク情勢の悪化は、撤収後の治安確保の手当てなどが十分だったのかという問いを大統領に突きつけている。
A key point now is how Iran, a major Shiite country neighboring Iraq with a large influence on the Maliki administration, will act. The country is said to be ready to hold direct talks with the United States over assistance to Iraq, despite the fact that the two countries have broken off ties.
シーア派大国で、マリキ政権に影響力を持つ隣国イランの出方も焦点だ。イラク支援をめぐり、断交中の米国とも直接協議する方針という。
Other neighboring countries in the Middle East are urged to present a united front against the ISIS by joining international efforts.
中東の周辺国は、この動きに加わり、対ＩＳＩＳで共闘していくことが求められる。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 17, 2014)
June 16, 2014
EDITORIAL: Open floodgates to restore the Ariake Sea
（社説）諫早湾干拓 有明海再生は開門から
The government is being forced to pay 490,000 yen (about $4,900) to plaintiffs per day as a penalty because it is not abiding by a finalized court ruling.
確定した判決に従わない政府が、罰として１日あたり４９万円を原告に支払うことになった。
Needless to say, the fine is coming out of taxpayer money. The unbelievable penalty stems from a 2010 Fukuoka High Court ruling.
いうまでもなく、国民の税金である。耳を疑うような公金支出のもとになったのは、２０１０年の福岡高裁判決だった。
In 1997, Nagasaki Prefecture’s Isahaya Bay, located in the western part of the Ariake Sea in the Kyushu region, was closed off from the sea by a wall of floodgates for a government land reclamation project. As a result, a wide area of tidal land disappeared.
舞台は九州・有明海の西部、長崎県の諫早湾。国の干拓事業で１７年前、湾が堤防で閉め切られ、広大な干潟が消えた。
The 2010 court ruling ordered the government to open some of the floodgates within three years to assess the impact the opening will have on the environment in the sea. Though the deadline for the opening came in December 2013, the government has yet to comply.
判決は、有明海の環境変化を見きわめるため、堤防の排水門を３年以内に開くよう命じた。しかし、政府は昨年１２月に期限が来ても開門しなかった。
Subsequently, the plaintiffs, many of whom are engaged in the local fishing industry, filed a petition with a court to require the government to abide by the ruling. As a result, the fine was assessed until the government complied.
そこで原告の漁業者らは裁判所に申し立てをし、判決に従うよう促す強制金が決まった。
Why does the government refuse to comply? The Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries says that the Nagasaki prefectural government and people engaged in farming the reclaimed land are opposed to the opening of the gates.
なぜ判決に従わないのか。地元の長崎県や干拓地の営農者らが開門に反対しているからだ、と農林水産省はいう。
In November 2013, the Nagasaki District Court issued an injunction that sided with the farmers’ request barring the opening of the floodgates. The farmers also filed a petition to force the government to comply with the court's decision. Their demand that the government be forced to pay 490,000 yen to the plaintiffs per day if it opens the gates was also approved by the court.
なるほど、営農者らが訴えた開門差し止めは、昨年１１月に長崎地裁で認められた。営農者らもその決定が守られるよう申し立て、開門すれば政府が１日４９万円を払うことも認められた。
Whether it opens the floodgates or not, the government has to pay a penalty. Saying, “Opening the floodgates or being prohibited from opening the floodgates, we cannot take sides on the two opposing positions,” the government is caught in a dilemma.
どちらに転んでも強制金。「開門と開門禁止。二つの義務の一方には立てない」と、政府は板挟みを演じている。
However, behind the conflicting court rulings is the government’s stubborn stance.
だが、そもそも裁判所の判断が割れた背景には、政府のかたくなな姿勢があった。
The government has yet to acknowledge the causal relationship between the closing of the bay and damage to the local fishing industry. The stance worked to the disadvantage of people engaged in fishing in the hearings at the Nagasaki District Court.
高裁判決が認めた漁業被害と湾閉め切りの因果関係を、政府は今も認めない。それが長崎地裁の審理のなかで漁業者側の不利にはたらいた。
It is futile to spend more time for arguments in courts. It is the time to leave the judicial system for now and turn attention to the situation in the bay.
これ以上、司法論争に時間を費やすのは不毛である。ここは訴訟合戦から一度離れ、現場に目を向けるべきだ。
In the huge reservoir set up in the closed bay, the water quality has deteriorated, where noxious blue-green algae is being generated in large quantities every year. When the water level in the reservoir rises, the water there is discharged outside the closed bay. As a result, the reservoir has become a source of pollution in the Ariake Sea.
干潟をつぶしてできた調整池では水質が悪化し、毎年有毒のアオコが大量発生する。水位が上がると湾へ流すため、池が有明海の汚染源になり果てた。
After the bay was closed, benthos, such as lugworms, decreased sharply in the entire Ariake Sea. Some researchers show that the decrease could be one of the causes of the damage to the fisheries industry.
湾閉め切り後、有明海全域でゴカイなどの底生生物が激減した。これが漁業不振の一因では、と指摘する研究もある。
In 2002, the agriculture ministry opened the floodgates for a short period. Then, the number of benthos increased sharply in less than a month. If seawater is allowed to flow into the reservoir, part of the purification function of the tidal land will be restored. As a result, a way to improve the environment in the reservoir and the Ariake Sea will be gained.
農水省は０２年に短期開門調査をしている。１カ月弱で底生生物は一時的に急増した。池に海水を入れれば、干潟の浄化機能の一部がよみがえり、環境改善のヒントが見えてくるはずだ。
Opponents of opening the gates say that if they are opened, the livelihoods of farmers will be damaged. However, the ministry is showing confidence in measures to prevent adverse effects. If farmers have anxieties over these preventative steps, the ministry will be able to strengthen the measures.
開門反対派は、開門すれば農業に支障が出る、と恐れる。だが、農水省は対策に自信を示している。不安ならば、さらに対策を強化すればいい。
What we cannot understand is the Nagasaki prefectural government's insistence on continuing to refuse even discussions on opening the floodgates. How much longer will it allow the conflict between local people to continue?
理解に苦しむのは、開門の話し合いさえ拒み続ける長崎県の対応だ。地域の対立要因をいつまで放置するつもりなのか。
Now is the time for all the people concerned to combine their wisdom toward the restoration of the environment in the Ariake Sea and reconciliation between local people.
有明海の環境再生と、地元の和解へ向けて関係者全員が真剣に知恵を結集するときだ。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 15
EDITORIAL: Open floodgates to restore the Ariake Sea
（社説）諫早湾干拓 有明海再生は開門から
The government is being forced to pay 490,000 yen (about $4,900) to plaintiffs per day as a penalty because it is not abiding by a finalized court ruling.
確定した判決に従わない政府が、罰として１日あたり４９万円を原告に支払うことになった。
Needless to say, the fine is coming out of taxpayer money. The unbelievable penalty stems from a 2010 Fukuoka High Court ruling.
いうまでもなく、国民の税金である。耳を疑うような公金支出のもとになったのは、２０１０年の福岡高裁判決だった。
In 1997, Nagasaki Prefecture’s Isahaya Bay, located in the western part of the Ariake Sea in the Kyushu region, was closed off from the sea by a wall of floodgates for a government land reclamation project. As a result, a wide area of tidal land disappeared.
舞台は九州・有明海の西部、長崎県の諫早湾。国の干拓事業で１７年前、湾が堤防で閉め切られ、広大な干潟が消えた。
The 2010 court ruling ordered the government to open some of the floodgates within three years to assess the impact the opening will have on the environment in the sea. Though the deadline for the opening came in December 2013, the government has yet to comply.
判決は、有明海の環境変化を見きわめるため、堤防の排水門を３年以内に開くよう命じた。しかし、政府は昨年１２月に期限が来ても開門しなかった。
Subsequently, the plaintiffs, many of whom are engaged in the local fishing industry, filed a petition with a court to require the government to abide by the ruling. As a result, the fine was assessed until the government complied.
そこで原告の漁業者らは裁判所に申し立てをし、判決に従うよう促す強制金が決まった。
Why does the government refuse to comply? The Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries says that the Nagasaki prefectural government and people engaged in farming the reclaimed land are opposed to the opening of the gates.
なぜ判決に従わないのか。地元の長崎県や干拓地の営農者らが開門に反対しているからだ、と農林水産省はいう。
In November 2013, the Nagasaki District Court issued an injunction that sided with the farmers’ request barring the opening of the floodgates. The farmers also filed a petition to force the government to comply with the court's decision. Their demand that the government be forced to pay 490,000 yen to the plaintiffs per day if it opens the gates was also approved by the court.
なるほど、営農者らが訴えた開門差し止めは、昨年１１月に長崎地裁で認められた。営農者らもその決定が守られるよう申し立て、開門すれば政府が１日４９万円を払うことも認められた。
Whether it opens the floodgates or not, the government has to pay a penalty. Saying, “Opening the floodgates or being prohibited from opening the floodgates, we cannot take sides on the two opposing positions,” the government is caught in a dilemma.
どちらに転んでも強制金。「開門と開門禁止。二つの義務の一方には立てない」と、政府は板挟みを演じている。
However, behind the conflicting court rulings is the government’s stubborn stance.
だが、そもそも裁判所の判断が割れた背景には、政府のかたくなな姿勢があった。
The government has yet to acknowledge the causal relationship between the closing of the bay and damage to the local fishing industry. The stance worked to the disadvantage of people engaged in fishing in the hearings at the Nagasaki District Court.
高裁判決が認めた漁業被害と湾閉め切りの因果関係を、政府は今も認めない。それが長崎地裁の審理のなかで漁業者側の不利にはたらいた。
It is futile to spend more time for arguments in courts. It is the time to leave the judicial system for now and turn attention to the situation in the bay.
これ以上、司法論争に時間を費やすのは不毛である。ここは訴訟合戦から一度離れ、現場に目を向けるべきだ。
In the huge reservoir set up in the closed bay, the water quality has deteriorated, where noxious blue-green algae is being generated in large quantities every year. When the water level in the reservoir rises, the water there is discharged outside the closed bay. As a result, the reservoir has become a source of pollution in the Ariake Sea.
干潟をつぶしてできた調整池では水質が悪化し、毎年有毒のアオコが大量発生する。水位が上がると湾へ流すため、池が有明海の汚染源になり果てた。
After the bay was closed, benthos, such as lugworms, decreased sharply in the entire Ariake Sea. Some researchers show that the decrease could be one of the causes of the damage to the fisheries industry.
湾閉め切り後、有明海全域でゴカイなどの底生生物が激減した。これが漁業不振の一因では、と指摘する研究もある。
In 2002, the agriculture ministry opened the floodgates for a short period. Then, the number of benthos increased sharply in less than a month. If seawater is allowed to flow into the reservoir, part of the purification function of the tidal land will be restored. As a result, a way to improve the environment in the reservoir and the Ariake Sea will be gained.
農水省は０２年に短期開門調査をしている。１カ月弱で底生生物は一時的に急増した。池に海水を入れれば、干潟の浄化機能の一部がよみがえり、環境改善のヒントが見えてくるはずだ。
Opponents of opening the gates say that if they are opened, the livelihoods of farmers will be damaged. However, the ministry is showing confidence in measures to prevent adverse effects. If farmers have anxieties over these preventative steps, the ministry will be able to strengthen the measures.
開門反対派は、開門すれば農業に支障が出る、と恐れる。だが、農水省は対策に自信を示している。不安ならば、さらに対策を強化すればいい。
What we cannot understand is the Nagasaki prefectural government's insistence on continuing to refuse even discussions on opening the floodgates. How much longer will it allow the conflict between local people to continue?
理解に苦しむのは、開門の話し合いさえ拒み続ける長崎県の対応だ。地域の対立要因をいつまで放置するつもりなのか。
Now is the time for all the people concerned to combine their wisdom toward the restoration of the environment in the Ariake Sea and reconciliation between local people.
有明海の環境再生と、地元の和解へ向けて関係者全員が真剣に知恵を結集するときだ。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 15
June 14, 2014
EDITORIAL: Defense policy talks test New Komeito’s political integrity
公明党と憲法―自民にただ屈するのか
In talks with the ruling Liberal Democratic Party over Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s initiative to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense, junior coalition partner New Komeito is showing signs of accepting the policy switch if certain conditions are met.
集団的自衛権の与党協議で、公明党が行使容認を前提とした条件闘争に向かっている。
With firm resolution, Abe is pursuing a formal Cabinet endorsement of a change in the government’s traditional interpretation of Article 9 of the Constitution.
憲法解釈を変える閣議決定に向けた安倍首相の意思は固い。
New Komeito has discarded the option of dissolving its alliance with the LDP in order to protect its political integrity.
New Komeito appears to have given up hope of holding its own against the fierce political pressure from its much bigger ally, and has decided to focus on setting strict conditions for supporting Abe’s initiative.
一方で公明党は、連立離脱を自ら封印した。自民党の攻勢に耐えきれそうもないが、せめて厳しい条件はつけておきたい。そんな思いがうかがえる。
No matter what conditions it may set, however, the fact is that New Komeito will endorse Japan’s exercise of the right to collective self-defense if it strikes a deal with the LDP. Compromising on this vital issue could create serious problems for the future. The party leadership should be aware of the huge political implications of its decision on this issue.
だが、どんな条件をつけたところで、集団的自衛権を認めることに変わりはない。妥協は将来に禍根を残す。公明党はその重みを肝に銘じるべきだ。
During talks between the two parties on June 13, Masahiko Komura, who represents the LDP side, proposed “three requirements” for Japan’s involvement in collective self-defense operations.
きのうの与党協議で、自民党の高村正彦座長が、日本が自衛権を発動するための新しい「３要件」の私案を示した。
Komura’s personal proposal would change the first of the three requirements the LDP has suggested, which says that there should be urgent and unjust aggression against Japan.
いまの３要件のうち、「我が国に対する急迫不正の侵害があること」という第一の要件を、次のように改めるという。
The first requirement as proposed by Komura says: “An armed attack against Japan has started or an armed attack against another country has started and as a result there are concerns that Japan’s existence could be threatened and that the Japanese people’s right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness could be fundamentally violated.”
「我が国に対する武力攻撃が発生したこと、または他国に対する武力攻撃が発生し、これにより我が国の存立が脅かされ、国民の生命、自由及び幸福追求の権利が根底から覆されるおそれがあること」
This proposal goes far beyond the “limited use” of the right indicated by the LDP. It could end up paving the way for the use of the nation’s right to collective self-defense in a wide range of situations.
自民党が主張する「限定容認」どころではない。集団的自衛権がかなり広範囲に認められることになりかねない。
The phrase that the people’s right could be “fundamentally violated” has been inserted in response to New Komeito’s argument.
後段にある、国民の生命などが「根底から覆される」というくだりは、公明党の考えを踏まえて盛り込まれた。
This phrase was originally a part of the government’s 1972 statement, which said Japan is not allowed to exercise its right to collective self-defense. Komura has used an expression that was once used to describe a situation that allows Japan to exercise its right to individual self-defense in a cunning way that is useful for his purpose.
もともとは「集団的自衛権の行使は許されない」と結論づけた７２年の政府見解の一部だ。個別の自衛権を認める前提として使われていた表現を、都合よく援用しているにすぎない。
New Komeito believes that strict observance of the requirement would ensure that Japan’s actual use of the right to collective self-defense will be almost limited to situations in which U.S. warships carrying Japanese citizens for evacuation need protection.
公明党は、これが厳格に守られれば、集団的自衛権として実際に認められるのは、避難する日本人を乗せた米艦の防護にほぼ限られると見る。
But Komura’s proposal leaves room for a broader interpretation of the rule by containing the term “concerns” with regard to the possibility of the people’s right being “fundamentally violated.”
ただし高村私案は、「根底から覆される」に「おそれ」をつけて、拡大解釈の余地を残している。
New Komeito is opposed to this potential loophole. The party is apparently trying to score at least some political points against the LDP by setting strict conditions.
この抜け穴に、公明党は反発する。なんとか一矢を報いたいということなのだろう。
Even so, there is no denying that New Komeito, if it accepts the LDP’s proposal, will help the Abe administration to change the government’s constitutional interpretation at will.
だとしても、政権が意のままに憲法解釈を変えることに手を貸すのは間違いない。
Imagine what could happen if this kind of departure from the rule of law is tolerated.
そんな「法の支配」からの逸脱が許されれば、どうなるか。
Isao Iijima, special Cabinet adviser, recently indicated the possibility of a change in the government’s interpretation about the constitutional principle of the separation of religion and politics. It was a thinly veiled warning to New Komeito, which is backed by the lay Buddhist organization Soka Gakkai.
飯島勲内閣官房参与が公明党と創価学会との関係をとらえ、憲法の「政教分離」についての政府見解は変わりうると、におわせた。
Iijima’s remark is tantamount to the declaration that the powers that be might be free to change the official interpretation of not just the war-renouncing Article 9, but any other part of the Constitution that they don’t like.
時の権力者が気に入らなければ、９条以外の解釈にも手をつけない保証はない。こう自ら明らかにしたようなものだ。
Does New Komeito still intend to go along with the LDP’s attempt to force through an effective amendment to the Constitution?
公明党は、それでもついて行くというのか。自民党の力ずくの憲法改変に。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 14
EDITORIAL: Defense policy talks test New Komeito’s political integrity
公明党と憲法―自民にただ屈するのか
In talks with the ruling Liberal Democratic Party over Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s initiative to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense, junior coalition partner New Komeito is showing signs of accepting the policy switch if certain conditions are met.
集団的自衛権の与党協議で、公明党が行使容認を前提とした条件闘争に向かっている。
With firm resolution, Abe is pursuing a formal Cabinet endorsement of a change in the government’s traditional interpretation of Article 9 of the Constitution.
憲法解釈を変える閣議決定に向けた安倍首相の意思は固い。
New Komeito has discarded the option of dissolving its alliance with the LDP in order to protect its political integrity.
New Komeito appears to have given up hope of holding its own against the fierce political pressure from its much bigger ally, and has decided to focus on setting strict conditions for supporting Abe’s initiative.
一方で公明党は、連立離脱を自ら封印した。自民党の攻勢に耐えきれそうもないが、せめて厳しい条件はつけておきたい。そんな思いがうかがえる。
No matter what conditions it may set, however, the fact is that New Komeito will endorse Japan’s exercise of the right to collective self-defense if it strikes a deal with the LDP. Compromising on this vital issue could create serious problems for the future. The party leadership should be aware of the huge political implications of its decision on this issue.
だが、どんな条件をつけたところで、集団的自衛権を認めることに変わりはない。妥協は将来に禍根を残す。公明党はその重みを肝に銘じるべきだ。
During talks between the two parties on June 13, Masahiko Komura, who represents the LDP side, proposed “three requirements” for Japan’s involvement in collective self-defense operations.
きのうの与党協議で、自民党の高村正彦座長が、日本が自衛権を発動するための新しい「３要件」の私案を示した。
Komura’s personal proposal would change the first of the three requirements the LDP has suggested, which says that there should be urgent and unjust aggression against Japan.
いまの３要件のうち、「我が国に対する急迫不正の侵害があること」という第一の要件を、次のように改めるという。
The first requirement as proposed by Komura says: “An armed attack against Japan has started or an armed attack against another country has started and as a result there are concerns that Japan’s existence could be threatened and that the Japanese people’s right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness could be fundamentally violated.”
「我が国に対する武力攻撃が発生したこと、または他国に対する武力攻撃が発生し、これにより我が国の存立が脅かされ、国民の生命、自由及び幸福追求の権利が根底から覆されるおそれがあること」
This proposal goes far beyond the “limited use” of the right indicated by the LDP. It could end up paving the way for the use of the nation’s right to collective self-defense in a wide range of situations.
自民党が主張する「限定容認」どころではない。集団的自衛権がかなり広範囲に認められることになりかねない。
The phrase that the people’s right could be “fundamentally violated” has been inserted in response to New Komeito’s argument.
後段にある、国民の生命などが「根底から覆される」というくだりは、公明党の考えを踏まえて盛り込まれた。
This phrase was originally a part of the government’s 1972 statement, which said Japan is not allowed to exercise its right to collective self-defense. Komura has used an expression that was once used to describe a situation that allows Japan to exercise its right to individual self-defense in a cunning way that is useful for his purpose.
もともとは「集団的自衛権の行使は許されない」と結論づけた７２年の政府見解の一部だ。個別の自衛権を認める前提として使われていた表現を、都合よく援用しているにすぎない。
New Komeito believes that strict observance of the requirement would ensure that Japan’s actual use of the right to collective self-defense will be almost limited to situations in which U.S. warships carrying Japanese citizens for evacuation need protection.
公明党は、これが厳格に守られれば、集団的自衛権として実際に認められるのは、避難する日本人を乗せた米艦の防護にほぼ限られると見る。
But Komura’s proposal leaves room for a broader interpretation of the rule by containing the term “concerns” with regard to the possibility of the people’s right being “fundamentally violated.”
ただし高村私案は、「根底から覆される」に「おそれ」をつけて、拡大解釈の余地を残している。
New Komeito is opposed to this potential loophole. The party is apparently trying to score at least some political points against the LDP by setting strict conditions.
この抜け穴に、公明党は反発する。なんとか一矢を報いたいということなのだろう。
Even so, there is no denying that New Komeito, if it accepts the LDP’s proposal, will help the Abe administration to change the government’s constitutional interpretation at will.
だとしても、政権が意のままに憲法解釈を変えることに手を貸すのは間違いない。
Imagine what could happen if this kind of departure from the rule of law is tolerated.
そんな「法の支配」からの逸脱が許されれば、どうなるか。
Isao Iijima, special Cabinet adviser, recently indicated the possibility of a change in the government’s interpretation about the constitutional principle of the separation of religion and politics. It was a thinly veiled warning to New Komeito, which is backed by the lay Buddhist organization Soka Gakkai.
飯島勲内閣官房参与が公明党と創価学会との関係をとらえ、憲法の「政教分離」についての政府見解は変わりうると、におわせた。
Iijima’s remark is tantamount to the declaration that the powers that be might be free to change the official interpretation of not just the war-renouncing Article 9, but any other part of the Constitution that they don’t like.
時の権力者が気に入らなければ、９条以外の解釈にも手をつけない保証はない。こう自ら明らかにしたようなものだ。
Does New Komeito still intend to go along with the LDP’s attempt to force through an effective amendment to the Constitution?
公明党は、それでもついて行くというのか。自民党の力ずくの憲法改変に。
--The Asahi Shimbun, June 14
The Yomiuri Shimbun
JA-Zenchu structure must not emerge unscathed from LDP reform plan
自民農協改革案 全中の指導体制温存を許すな
How can the JA Group of agricultural cooperatives be drastically overhauled to reenergize Japan’s farming industry? This reform process is about to face a moment of truth.
日本農業の再生に向けて、農業協同組合（ＪＡ）グループの抜本的な改革をどう実現するか。正念場はこれからだ。
The Liberal Democratic Party has completed its agricultural reform plan. The centerpieces of the plan are revamping the leadership of regional agricultural cooperatives, which is currently concentrated in the hands of the Central Union of Agricultural Cooperatives (JA-Zenchu), and shifting JA-Zenchu’s structure to a new setup.
自民党が農業改革案をまとめた。全国農業協同組合中央会（ＪＡ全中）を頂点とした地域農協に対する指導体制を改め、全中を新たな組織へと移行させることが柱である。
In response to criticism that the group’s all-encompassing administrative leadership has sapped the motivation of producers, the LDP’s plan would restrict JA-Zenchu’s role to collating the wishes and purposes of agricultural cooperatives, as well as liaising and coordinating among them.
自民党案は、画一的な経営指導が生産現場の意欲を損なってきたとの批判を受けて、全中の役割を地域農協の意思集約や連絡・調整に限定するとした。
The reforms aim to end JA-Zenchu’s excessive intervention into the affairs of regional cooperatives, and promote the switch to a more “proactive” form of farming that gives greater play to the self-initiative of farmers. We think the direction of the plan makes sense.
全中による地域農協への過度な介入をやめさせ、自主性を生かした「攻めの農業」への転換を促す改革の方向性は妥当だろう。
The LDP plans to solidify details, such as the group’s new structure after the JA group reviews its organizational makeup, and revise the Agricultural Cooperatives Law and other laws during next year’s ordinary Diet session.
自民党は具体的な組織の在り方などについては、ＪＡグループ内の検討も踏まえてさらに詰め、来年の通常国会で農協法などの改正を図るとしている。
However, it is disconcerting that essential elements of the reforms remain undecided.
気がかりなのは、改革の肝心な部分が固まっていないことだ。
Last month, the government’s Regulatory Reform Council proposed that JA-Zenchu be abolished. JA-Zenchu vehemently opposed the idea, stating the move would “lead to the dismantlement of the JA Group.” We cannot escape concerns that the LDP reform plan could be watered down due to such fierce backlash from JA-Zenchu.
先月、政府の規制改革会議は全中の廃止案を打ち出した。これに対し、全中は「ＪＡグループの解体につながる」と、猛反発した。自民党の改革案が今後、全中の巻き返しによって「骨抜き」にされる懸念は拭えない。
Actions must eclipse titles
One idea being floated was to change JA-Zenchu’s status from a corporate body based on the Agricultural Cooperatives Law to a general incorporated association. But simply changing its status while it retains powerful influence over regional agricultural cooperatives will not improve the effectiveness of the reform.
全中を農協法に基づく法人から一般社団法人などに移行させる案も浮上しているが、地域農協への強い影響力が温存されれば改革の実効性は上がるまい。
It remains unclear how the LDP will handle JA-Zenchu’s levy system, through which ¥8 billion is collected annually for operating expenses from agricultural cooperatives and other sources nationwide.
全中が地域農協などから年間８０億円の運営費を上納させている賦課金制度の扱いも不透明だ。
We think legal revisions should be made to abolish this collection system for vast sums of money that, along with JA-Zenchu’s extensive administrative authority based on the Agricultural Cooperatives Law, form the base of its power.
農協法に基づく強い経営指導権とともに、全中の権力基盤となっている多額の集金システムを、法改正で廃止すべきである。
In the reform plan, the LDP said it would “positively consider” converting the group’s National Federation of Agricultural Cooperative Associations (JA Zen-Noh), which runs a shipping and sales network for products grown by farmers, into a stock company.
自民党案は、農作物の集荷や販売を担う全国農業協同組合連合会（ＪＡ全農）の株式会社化を「前向きに検討する」とした。
It is a reasonable objective to support closer ties between JA Zen-Noh and companies through such means as mergers and acquisitions as well as expanding their operations through diversified capital procurement.
資金調達の多様化による事業拡大や、合併・買収（Ｍ＆Ａ）の手法も使った企業との連携強化を後押しする狙いは適切だ。
Steadily implementing reforms in areas other than the cooperatives will also be needed. The LDP plan included a call to raise the cap on business investment in agricultural production corporations from “25 percent or less” to “less than 50 percent.”
農協以外の改革も着実に進める必要がある。自民党案は、農業生産法人に対する企業の出資制限を「２５％以下」から「５０％未満」に緩和することも盛り込んだ。
About 400,000 hectares of arable farmland in Japan has been abandoned, an area equivalent to all of Shiga Prefecture. We expect the involvement of more companies in agriculture will result in more effective use of farmland and more efficient management of the farming industry.
国内の耕作放棄地は滋賀県の広さに相当する４０万ヘクタールに上る。企業参入による農地の有効利用と、農業経営の効率化に期待したい。
Negotiations on the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade deal are within grasping distance of a major agreement. The nation cannot afford to put off strengthening the competitiveness of its agricultural sector. Japan must quickly implement agricultural reforms that reward motivated farmers.
環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）交渉も大詰めの段階で、日本農業の競争力強化は待ったなしである。意欲ある農家が報われる農業改革を急がねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 11, 2014)
JA-Zenchu structure must not emerge unscathed from LDP reform plan
自民農協改革案 全中の指導体制温存を許すな
How can the JA Group of agricultural cooperatives be drastically overhauled to reenergize Japan’s farming industry? This reform process is about to face a moment of truth.
日本農業の再生に向けて、農業協同組合（ＪＡ）グループの抜本的な改革をどう実現するか。正念場はこれからだ。
The Liberal Democratic Party has completed its agricultural reform plan. The centerpieces of the plan are revamping the leadership of regional agricultural cooperatives, which is currently concentrated in the hands of the Central Union of Agricultural Cooperatives (JA-Zenchu), and shifting JA-Zenchu’s structure to a new setup.
自民党が農業改革案をまとめた。全国農業協同組合中央会（ＪＡ全中）を頂点とした地域農協に対する指導体制を改め、全中を新たな組織へと移行させることが柱である。
In response to criticism that the group’s all-encompassing administrative leadership has sapped the motivation of producers, the LDP’s plan would restrict JA-Zenchu’s role to collating the wishes and purposes of agricultural cooperatives, as well as liaising and coordinating among them.
自民党案は、画一的な経営指導が生産現場の意欲を損なってきたとの批判を受けて、全中の役割を地域農協の意思集約や連絡・調整に限定するとした。
The reforms aim to end JA-Zenchu’s excessive intervention into the affairs of regional cooperatives, and promote the switch to a more “proactive” form of farming that gives greater play to the self-initiative of farmers. We think the direction of the plan makes sense.
全中による地域農協への過度な介入をやめさせ、自主性を生かした「攻めの農業」への転換を促す改革の方向性は妥当だろう。
The LDP plans to solidify details, such as the group’s new structure after the JA group reviews its organizational makeup, and revise the Agricultural Cooperatives Law and other laws during next year’s ordinary Diet session.
自民党は具体的な組織の在り方などについては、ＪＡグループ内の検討も踏まえてさらに詰め、来年の通常国会で農協法などの改正を図るとしている。
However, it is disconcerting that essential elements of the reforms remain undecided.
気がかりなのは、改革の肝心な部分が固まっていないことだ。
Last month, the government’s Regulatory Reform Council proposed that JA-Zenchu be abolished. JA-Zenchu vehemently opposed the idea, stating the move would “lead to the dismantlement of the JA Group.” We cannot escape concerns that the LDP reform plan could be watered down due to such fierce backlash from JA-Zenchu.
先月、政府の規制改革会議は全中の廃止案を打ち出した。これに対し、全中は「ＪＡグループの解体につながる」と、猛反発した。自民党の改革案が今後、全中の巻き返しによって「骨抜き」にされる懸念は拭えない。
Actions must eclipse titles
One idea being floated was to change JA-Zenchu’s status from a corporate body based on the Agricultural Cooperatives Law to a general incorporated association. But simply changing its status while it retains powerful influence over regional agricultural cooperatives will not improve the effectiveness of the reform.
全中を農協法に基づく法人から一般社団法人などに移行させる案も浮上しているが、地域農協への強い影響力が温存されれば改革の実効性は上がるまい。
It remains unclear how the LDP will handle JA-Zenchu’s levy system, through which ¥8 billion is collected annually for operating expenses from agricultural cooperatives and other sources nationwide.
全中が地域農協などから年間８０億円の運営費を上納させている賦課金制度の扱いも不透明だ。
We think legal revisions should be made to abolish this collection system for vast sums of money that, along with JA-Zenchu’s extensive administrative authority based on the Agricultural Cooperatives Law, form the base of its power.
農協法に基づく強い経営指導権とともに、全中の権力基盤となっている多額の集金システムを、法改正で廃止すべきである。
In the reform plan, the LDP said it would “positively consider” converting the group’s National Federation of Agricultural Cooperative Associations (JA Zen-Noh), which runs a shipping and sales network for products grown by farmers, into a stock company.
自民党案は、農作物の集荷や販売を担う全国農業協同組合連合会（ＪＡ全農）の株式会社化を「前向きに検討する」とした。
It is a reasonable objective to support closer ties between JA Zen-Noh and companies through such means as mergers and acquisitions as well as expanding their operations through diversified capital procurement.
資金調達の多様化による事業拡大や、合併・買収（Ｍ＆Ａ）の手法も使った企業との連携強化を後押しする狙いは適切だ。
Steadily implementing reforms in areas other than the cooperatives will also be needed. The LDP plan included a call to raise the cap on business investment in agricultural production corporations from “25 percent or less” to “less than 50 percent.”
農協以外の改革も着実に進める必要がある。自民党案は、農業生産法人に対する企業の出資制限を「２５％以下」から「５０％未満」に緩和することも盛り込んだ。
About 400,000 hectares of arable farmland in Japan has been abandoned, an area equivalent to all of Shiga Prefecture. We expect the involvement of more companies in agriculture will result in more effective use of farmland and more efficient management of the farming industry.
国内の耕作放棄地は滋賀県の広さに相当する４０万ヘクタールに上る。企業参入による農地の有効利用と、農業経営の効率化に期待したい。
Negotiations on the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade deal are within grasping distance of a major agreement. The nation cannot afford to put off strengthening the competitiveness of its agricultural sector. Japan must quickly implement agricultural reforms that reward motivated farmers.
環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）交渉も大詰めの段階で、日本農業の競争力強化は待ったなしである。意欲ある農家が報われる農業改革を急がねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 11, 2014)
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Sharing information on missing elderly people with dementia crucial
認知症行方不明 関係機関の情報共有が重要だ
There is no end to cases of elderly people with dementia going missing. It is crucial that the system used to help identify missing dementia patients functions effectively so they can be reunited with their families quickly.
認知症が原因で行方不明になる高齢者が後を絶たない。早期に家族の元に戻れるよう、身元特定の仕組みを有効に機能させることが重要だ。
In 2012, police received 9,607 missing-person reports for patients with dementia, and the number rose to 10,322 in 2013. Of them, 258 people were unaccounted for as of the end of April.
警察に行方不明者として届け出があった認知症の人は、２０１２年に９６０７人、１３年には１万３２２人に上った。これらのうち２５８人が、今年４月末時点で所在不明となっている。
In many cases, elderly people with dementia who went missing were taken into protective custody later by the municipalities and moved into nursing care facilities, ultimately remaining there as they could not be identified.
無事に保護されながら、身元が分からずに、施設に預かられたままとなるケースが少なくない。
A woman with dementia who had been put into a nursing care facility in Tatebayashi, Gunma Prefecture, was reunited in mid-May with her husband after seven years. Their reunion was made possible thanks to a TV news program featuring her.
群馬県館林市の介護老人福祉施設に入所していた認知症の女性は５月中旬、７年ぶりに夫と再会した。テレビ番組で取り上げられたのがきっかけだった。
An elderly man with dementia who was living at a home for the elderly in Sayama, Saitama Prefecture, was identified on June 5 by relatives who had seen news reports featuring him late last month and made contact with him. Eighteen years had passed since he went missing and was placed under protective custody.
埼玉県狭山市の老人ホームで生活していた男性は、報道に接した親族からの連絡で、今月５日に身元が判明した。保護されてから１８年も経過していた。
In both cases, the local municipalities and the police exchanged very little information, and no careful checks were made of the National Police Agency’s database after these elderly people were moved into nursing care facilities.
いずれも、施設に引き取られた後、自治体と警察の情報交換がほとんど行われず、警察庁のデータベースを活用した身元照会も徹底されなかった。
If such people cannot be identified within 24 hours after they are placed under protective custody, the police, in accordance with the Law concerning the Execution of Police Duties, will put them in the care of the municipalities.
警察は、保護から２４時間以内に身元を確認できなければ、警察官職務執行法に基づいて、自治体に対応を引き継ぐ。
No regulations in place
The problem is there are no regulations concerning the sharing of information between these entities after such people are put in the care of local municipalities. It is inevitable for such inappropriate responses to be criticized as ill effects of bureaucratic sectionalism.
問題は、その後の情報共有などについて、何ら規定がないことだろう。縦割りの弊害と批判されても仕方がない。
The NPA has notified the Metropolitan Police Department and other prefectural police headquarters that they should cooperate with local municipal governments even after they have such elderly people placed in the care of the municipalities.
警察庁は、対応を自治体に引き継いだ後も、連携を図るよう都道府県警に通知した。
Health, Labor and Welfare Minister Norihisa Tamura said at a press conference on Friday, “We have to build a system to match up those who have gone missing and those who are looking for them,” hinting that the ministry will launch discussions with the NPA and other entities. Such efforts must be expedited to make such ideas a reality.
田村厚生労働相は６日の記者会見で、「行方不明になっている人と、捜している人をマッチングできる仕組みを作らなければならない」と述べ、警察庁などと検討を始める考えを示した。具体化を急ぐ必要がある。
Also needed is a system that considers the characteristics of those with dementia who are unable to identify themselves.
本人が名乗れない、という認知症の特性に配慮した照会システムも求められる。
With regards to the police’s missing person database, information searches can be made only by name. The NPA has said it will also utilize its database used for criminal investigations, in which searches can be made using various kinds of information, including physical characteristics and personal belongings.
警察の行方不明者照会のデータベースは、氏名に頼った検索しかできない。警察庁は、身体的特徴や所持品など、多くの項目から検索できる犯罪捜査用のデータベースも用いる方針を示した。
The NPA will also have such information compiled by local municipalities, including photographs, on those placed under their care distributed among prefectural police headquarters and local police stations, so families searching for their missing relatives can examine them at nearby police stations and other places.
保護した人の写真を添付した自治体作成の資料を警察本部や警察署に配布し、行方不明の人を捜している家族が最寄りの署などで閲覧できるようにもする。
We hope these efforts can help identify missing dementia patients quickly.
こうした取り組みを早期の身元特定につなげたい。
More and more local municipalities have registered elderly people who are likely to wander away, and have asked local residents via e-mail to cooperate in finding them in case they go missing. Cooperation among local residents, municipalities and police is also essential.
徘徊はいかいの恐れのある高齢者を事前に登録し、万一の時、市民にメールで捜索協力を呼びかける自治体が増えている。地域住民と自治体、警察の連携も欠かせない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 10, 2014)
Sharing information on missing elderly people with dementia crucial
認知症行方不明 関係機関の情報共有が重要だ
There is no end to cases of elderly people with dementia going missing. It is crucial that the system used to help identify missing dementia patients functions effectively so they can be reunited with their families quickly.
認知症が原因で行方不明になる高齢者が後を絶たない。早期に家族の元に戻れるよう、身元特定の仕組みを有効に機能させることが重要だ。
In 2012, police received 9,607 missing-person reports for patients with dementia, and the number rose to 10,322 in 2013. Of them, 258 people were unaccounted for as of the end of April.
警察に行方不明者として届け出があった認知症の人は、２０１２年に９６０７人、１３年には１万３２２人に上った。これらのうち２５８人が、今年４月末時点で所在不明となっている。
In many cases, elderly people with dementia who went missing were taken into protective custody later by the municipalities and moved into nursing care facilities, ultimately remaining there as they could not be identified.
無事に保護されながら、身元が分からずに、施設に預かられたままとなるケースが少なくない。
A woman with dementia who had been put into a nursing care facility in Tatebayashi, Gunma Prefecture, was reunited in mid-May with her husband after seven years. Their reunion was made possible thanks to a TV news program featuring her.
群馬県館林市の介護老人福祉施設に入所していた認知症の女性は５月中旬、７年ぶりに夫と再会した。テレビ番組で取り上げられたのがきっかけだった。
An elderly man with dementia who was living at a home for the elderly in Sayama, Saitama Prefecture, was identified on June 5 by relatives who had seen news reports featuring him late last month and made contact with him. Eighteen years had passed since he went missing and was placed under protective custody.
埼玉県狭山市の老人ホームで生活していた男性は、報道に接した親族からの連絡で、今月５日に身元が判明した。保護されてから１８年も経過していた。
In both cases, the local municipalities and the police exchanged very little information, and no careful checks were made of the National Police Agency’s database after these elderly people were moved into nursing care facilities.
いずれも、施設に引き取られた後、自治体と警察の情報交換がほとんど行われず、警察庁のデータベースを活用した身元照会も徹底されなかった。
If such people cannot be identified within 24 hours after they are placed under protective custody, the police, in accordance with the Law concerning the Execution of Police Duties, will put them in the care of the municipalities.
警察は、保護から２４時間以内に身元を確認できなければ、警察官職務執行法に基づいて、自治体に対応を引き継ぐ。
No regulations in place
The problem is there are no regulations concerning the sharing of information between these entities after such people are put in the care of local municipalities. It is inevitable for such inappropriate responses to be criticized as ill effects of bureaucratic sectionalism.
問題は、その後の情報共有などについて、何ら規定がないことだろう。縦割りの弊害と批判されても仕方がない。
The NPA has notified the Metropolitan Police Department and other prefectural police headquarters that they should cooperate with local municipal governments even after they have such elderly people placed in the care of the municipalities.
警察庁は、対応を自治体に引き継いだ後も、連携を図るよう都道府県警に通知した。
Health, Labor and Welfare Minister Norihisa Tamura said at a press conference on Friday, “We have to build a system to match up those who have gone missing and those who are looking for them,” hinting that the ministry will launch discussions with the NPA and other entities. Such efforts must be expedited to make such ideas a reality.
田村厚生労働相は６日の記者会見で、「行方不明になっている人と、捜している人をマッチングできる仕組みを作らなければならない」と述べ、警察庁などと検討を始める考えを示した。具体化を急ぐ必要がある。
Also needed is a system that considers the characteristics of those with dementia who are unable to identify themselves.
本人が名乗れない、という認知症の特性に配慮した照会システムも求められる。
With regards to the police’s missing person database, information searches can be made only by name. The NPA has said it will also utilize its database used for criminal investigations, in which searches can be made using various kinds of information, including physical characteristics and personal belongings.
警察の行方不明者照会のデータベースは、氏名に頼った検索しかできない。警察庁は、身体的特徴や所持品など、多くの項目から検索できる犯罪捜査用のデータベースも用いる方針を示した。
The NPA will also have such information compiled by local municipalities, including photographs, on those placed under their care distributed among prefectural police headquarters and local police stations, so families searching for their missing relatives can examine them at nearby police stations and other places.
保護した人の写真を添付した自治体作成の資料を警察本部や警察署に配布し、行方不明の人を捜している家族が最寄りの署などで閲覧できるようにもする。
We hope these efforts can help identify missing dementia patients quickly.
こうした取り組みを早期の身元特定につなげたい。
More and more local municipalities have registered elderly people who are likely to wander away, and have asked local residents via e-mail to cooperate in finding them in case they go missing. Cooperation among local residents, municipalities and police is also essential.
徘徊はいかいの恐れのある高齢者を事前に登録し、万一の時、市民にメールで捜索協力を呼びかける自治体が増えている。地域住民と自治体、警察の連携も欠かせない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 10, 2014)
April 27, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: That was then and this is now
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:「昔は昔、今は今」 ／東京
When the Olympics last came to Tokyo in 1964, Japan was in the midst of its postwar growth boom. The young parents of those hopeful times have, however, become the seniors of today; the "elder care" generation, so to speak.
前回の東京五輪の頃、高度成長時代のまっただ中に家庭を築いた人たちが、いまいっせいに“介護される年代”を迎えている。
Members of that generation, joining the workforce as Japanese society basked in its growing wealth, took to their jobs with a vigorous, proactive attitude, building tightknit nuclear families as they went. Their lifestyles began to reflect the benefits of economic success as well, with new cars appearing in driveways and pianos in living rooms. Parents also found they had the time and money to enhance their children's education, and it was in this era that the term "kyoiku mama" (education mom) -- mothers who pushed their children to succeed academically -- was coined.
その多くは核家族、どんどん成長する社会で前向きに仕事に取り組み、自動車やピアノを買うなどして生活を豊かにしてきた。子どもの教育にもお金や手間がかけられるようになり「教育ママ」という言葉が生まれたのもその世代あたりからだ。
Age has imposed its various frailties on this energetic generation, dementia not least among them. Their children, of course, understand intellectually that their parents are getting old, and that dementia may lay siege to once nimble minds. Still, they find it hard if not impossible to accept this in their own "always energetic" mothers and fathers. One patient of mine, a woman in her 50s caring for a mother with dementia, admitted to me, "I could do something to her, become a 'care abuser,' if things keep on like this.
そんな人たちも高齢期になればからだも弱くなれば、認知症になることもある。頭ではわかっているのだが、長い間「いつも元気なパパとママ」を見てきた子どもたちは、その事実がどうしても受け入れられない。認知症の母親の介護をする５０代の娘が「このままでは“介護虐待”をしそうです」と相談に来たことがあった。
"In my neighborhood, my mother was known as an amazing 'education mom,'" the woman continued. "Now, she has to ask me everything, even what season it is. When I was a little girl, one of her favourite phrases was, 'Try looking it up yourself.' Remembering that now, when my mother depends on me for everything like a little child, I just can't find it within myself to be kind to her. I yell at her without noticing, and sometimes I find myself ready to hit her. I scare myself."
「近所でも評判の教育ママだった母親が、いまでは季節もわからなくなってなんでも私にきいてくるのです。子ども時代は『自分で調べなさい』が口グセの母でした。それを思い出すと、いま幼児のように私に頼ってくる母親にどうしてもやさしくできません。つい声を荒らげてしまったり手が出そうになってしまうこともあって、自分でもおそろしい」
The problem isn't that the woman hates caring for her mother. Rather, she is deeply saddened and disturbed that her once super-human mom has changed so drastically. These feelings are transformed into anger, into thoughtless verbal attacks and the temptation to do violence.
介護がイヤなわけではない。ただ、あんなにしっかりしてスーパーマンのようだった親が昔とはさまがわりしてしまった姿を見ると、なんともいえず悲しくなる。それが次第に怒りにかわり、心ない暴言や暴力につながることがあるのだ。
I have had a number of patients in the same boat, and they always tell me something like, "I can't forget how hardworking my parents were and how good life was at home when I was young." That image of strong and loving parents persists in the minds of their children, even if these parents are now in a very different stage of life. That was then and this is now, as the old expression goes. It's quite frankly odd to pine for the days when "mom and dad could do anything." By the same token, there's also no need to wall up memories of better times because remembering them makes us sad.
そういう人たちに私はいつも「その昔、念願のマイホームで頑張っていた両親や楽しかった家庭の思い出は消えたわけではない」と話す。それがあくまで両親のメインの姿で、いまはそのときとは別のステージで生きている。あのときはあのとき、今は今。「昔はなんでもできたのに」と比べるのもおかしいし「昔を思い出すと悲しくなるから」と記憶を封印する必要もない。
Watching our parents come to need nursing care is no fun, but we must set that aside. Instead, remember the good times. Perhaps they took you to Expo Osaka 1970, and the whole family had a blast. Maybe your mother was dressed to the nines for the big outing, and oh was she a sight to behold. If we find ourselves thinking, "Yeah, but look at her now," keep that talismanic phrase "that was then and this is now" firmly in mind. Resist the comparison.
目の前の介護が必要な親のことはさておいて、「家族で大阪万博に行ったわねえ。あのときはみんな生き生きしていて本当に楽しかった。ママも私も精いっぱいおしゃれしてたっけ」と心おきなく昔の楽しかった思い出に浸ったってよいのだ。「それなのに今は」と考えそうになったら、「昔は昔、今は今」というフレーズをおまじないのように唱えてみよう。
Very importantly, when it comes to caring for parents with dementia, we cannot do everything on our own. Make full use of elder care services, and don't be afraid to ask friends for help from time to time. Believe me when I say that the psychological burden must be shared.
そして介護の問題はひとりで背負わず、介護サービスをフル活用したり友人に頼ったり。とにかくシェアの精神が大切、ということもつけ加えておきたい。
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2014年04月22日 地方版
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: That was then and this is now
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:「昔は昔、今は今」 ／東京
When the Olympics last came to Tokyo in 1964, Japan was in the midst of its postwar growth boom. The young parents of those hopeful times have, however, become the seniors of today; the "elder care" generation, so to speak.
前回の東京五輪の頃、高度成長時代のまっただ中に家庭を築いた人たちが、いまいっせいに“介護される年代”を迎えている。
Members of that generation, joining the workforce as Japanese society basked in its growing wealth, took to their jobs with a vigorous, proactive attitude, building tightknit nuclear families as they went. Their lifestyles began to reflect the benefits of economic success as well, with new cars appearing in driveways and pianos in living rooms. Parents also found they had the time and money to enhance their children's education, and it was in this era that the term "kyoiku mama" (education mom) -- mothers who pushed their children to succeed academically -- was coined.
その多くは核家族、どんどん成長する社会で前向きに仕事に取り組み、自動車やピアノを買うなどして生活を豊かにしてきた。子どもの教育にもお金や手間がかけられるようになり「教育ママ」という言葉が生まれたのもその世代あたりからだ。
Age has imposed its various frailties on this energetic generation, dementia not least among them. Their children, of course, understand intellectually that their parents are getting old, and that dementia may lay siege to once nimble minds. Still, they find it hard if not impossible to accept this in their own "always energetic" mothers and fathers. One patient of mine, a woman in her 50s caring for a mother with dementia, admitted to me, "I could do something to her, become a 'care abuser,' if things keep on like this.
そんな人たちも高齢期になればからだも弱くなれば、認知症になることもある。頭ではわかっているのだが、長い間「いつも元気なパパとママ」を見てきた子どもたちは、その事実がどうしても受け入れられない。認知症の母親の介護をする５０代の娘が「このままでは“介護虐待”をしそうです」と相談に来たことがあった。
"In my neighborhood, my mother was known as an amazing 'education mom,'" the woman continued. "Now, she has to ask me everything, even what season it is. When I was a little girl, one of her favourite phrases was, 'Try looking it up yourself.' Remembering that now, when my mother depends on me for everything like a little child, I just can't find it within myself to be kind to her. I yell at her without noticing, and sometimes I find myself ready to hit her. I scare myself."
「近所でも評判の教育ママだった母親が、いまでは季節もわからなくなってなんでも私にきいてくるのです。子ども時代は『自分で調べなさい』が口グセの母でした。それを思い出すと、いま幼児のように私に頼ってくる母親にどうしてもやさしくできません。つい声を荒らげてしまったり手が出そうになってしまうこともあって、自分でもおそろしい」
The problem isn't that the woman hates caring for her mother. Rather, she is deeply saddened and disturbed that her once super-human mom has changed so drastically. These feelings are transformed into anger, into thoughtless verbal attacks and the temptation to do violence.
介護がイヤなわけではない。ただ、あんなにしっかりしてスーパーマンのようだった親が昔とはさまがわりしてしまった姿を見ると、なんともいえず悲しくなる。それが次第に怒りにかわり、心ない暴言や暴力につながることがあるのだ。
I have had a number of patients in the same boat, and they always tell me something like, "I can't forget how hardworking my parents were and how good life was at home when I was young." That image of strong and loving parents persists in the minds of their children, even if these parents are now in a very different stage of life. That was then and this is now, as the old expression goes. It's quite frankly odd to pine for the days when "mom and dad could do anything." By the same token, there's also no need to wall up memories of better times because remembering them makes us sad.
そういう人たちに私はいつも「その昔、念願のマイホームで頑張っていた両親や楽しかった家庭の思い出は消えたわけではない」と話す。それがあくまで両親のメインの姿で、いまはそのときとは別のステージで生きている。あのときはあのとき、今は今。「昔はなんでもできたのに」と比べるのもおかしいし「昔を思い出すと悲しくなるから」と記憶を封印する必要もない。
Watching our parents come to need nursing care is no fun, but we must set that aside. Instead, remember the good times. Perhaps they took you to Expo Osaka 1970, and the whole family had a blast. Maybe your mother was dressed to the nines for the big outing, and oh was she a sight to behold. If we find ourselves thinking, "Yeah, but look at her now," keep that talismanic phrase "that was then and this is now" firmly in mind. Resist the comparison.
目の前の介護が必要な親のことはさておいて、「家族で大阪万博に行ったわねえ。あのときはみんな生き生きしていて本当に楽しかった。ママも私も精いっぱいおしゃれしてたっけ」と心おきなく昔の楽しかった思い出に浸ったってよいのだ。「それなのに今は」と考えそうになったら、「昔は昔、今は今」というフレーズをおまじないのように唱えてみよう。
Very importantly, when it comes to caring for parents with dementia, we cannot do everything on our own. Make full use of elder care services, and don't be afraid to ask friends for help from time to time. Believe me when I say that the psychological burden must be shared.
そして介護の問題はひとりで背負わず、介護サービスをフル活用したり友人に頼ったり。とにかくシェアの精神が大切、ということもつけ加えておきたい。
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2014年04月22日 地方版
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[ はじめに ]
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[ 名前 ]
松井 清 （スラチャイ）
[ 略歴 ]
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