マイナス金利 デフレ阻止に動いた欧州中銀

The Yomiuri Shimbun
ECB adoption of negative deposit rate bold measure to prevent deflation
マイナス金利　デフレ阻止に動いた欧州中銀

The European Central Bank has introduced a bold monetary easing policy with a strong will to prevent the European economy from falling into deflation.
　デフレへの転落を阻止したいという強い決意の表れだろう。
　欧州中央銀行（ＥＣＢ）が大胆な金融緩和策を打ち出した。

The ECB has decided to cut its annual policy rate to a record low 0.15 percent and lower the overnight deposit rate, which is applied to funds commercial banks park at the central bank, to minus 0.1 percent from zero percent. This makes the ECB the first major central bank in the world to adopt a negative bank deposit rate.
　政策金利を過去最低の年０・１５％とし、民間銀行がＥＣＢに預金する際に適用する金利は、０％からマイナス０・１％に下げる。主要な中央銀行でマイナス金利を採用するのは初めてだ。

A negative deposit rate means that commercial banks have to pay interest at this rate, which is like a handling fee, to place funds at the central bank. The measure is expected to stimulate the European economy by encouraging commercial banks to cut back on parking excessive funds at the ECB and instead use the money to finance companies.
　マイナス金利になると、ＥＣＢに資金を預けた銀行は「手数料」のように金利を払うことになる。銀行がＥＣＢに預けている余剰資金を企業融資に回し、景気を刺激する効果が期待されている。

It also aims to lower interest rate levels in general and redress the strong euro.
　金利水準全体を引き下げ、ユーロ高を是正する狙いもあろう。

The ECB is also to implement a measure to provide low-interest funds to commercial banks for up to four years. It is commendable that the central bank is trying to use every measure at hand to avoid deflation.
　ＥＣＢは低利資金を最長４年、民間銀行に供給する措置なども実施する。デフレの回避へ政策を総動員する姿勢は評価できる。

The European economy remains stagnant, though it has overcome the financial and debt crises of Greece and a few other countries.
　欧州経済は、ギリシャなどの金融・債務危機を乗り切ったものの、停滞状態が続く。

The effects of the low growth rate and the strong euro have kept increase rates of commodity prices in the eurozone at less than 1 percent for eight straight months, far lower than the target of near 2 percent.
　低成長とユーロ高の影響で、ユーロ圏の消費者物価上昇率は、「２％近く」としている物価目標を大きく下回り、８か月連続で１％を切っている。

Avoiding a 2nd Japan

If the situation is left unaddressed, the eurozone will become a second Japan, which suffered from a strong yen and depression under deflation for many years. Such concerns are likely to have pushed the ECB to adopt the unconventional monetary easing measure.
　このままでは、長期にわたり円高とデフレ不況に苦しんだ日本の二の舞いになりかねない。そうした危機感が、ＥＣＢに異例の緩和策を決断させた理由だろう。

Now attention is focused on whether the latest measure will achieve its intended effects. Not a few economists say the ECB’s policy rate is already close to zero and a further rate reduction will have only a limited effect.
　今後の焦点は、今回の政策が、期待通りの効果を上げるかどうかである。
　ＥＣＢの政策金利は、すでにゼロに近く、利下げの効き目は限定的とする見方も少なくない。

It is also said that the introduction of a negative deposit rate will increase the burden on commercial banks and worsen their finances, leading to a minimization of new loans and higher lending rates.
　マイナス金利の導入については、民間銀行の負担が増し、銀行の財務悪化による融資の抑制や、貸出金利上昇などにつながりかねないとの指摘もある。

Finance Minister Taro Aso said he plans to wait to see the outcome of the move. “I still can’t say whether the results will be good or bad,” he said.
　麻生財務相は、「いい結果になるか、悪い結果になるか分からない」と述べ、影響を見極めていく考えを示した。

Some market observers say the ECB will eventually have to resort to full-fledged quantitative monetary-easing measures like the Japanese and U.S. central banks, which have purchased a huge amount of government bonds.
　市場ではＥＣＢがいずれ、国債を大量に購入している日本や米国のように、本格的な量的金融緩和策に踏み切らざるを得なくなるとの観測も浮上している。

However, there are many challenges for the ECB to overcome before implementing tangible measures, including deciding what proportion of government bonds would best be held by the central bank—which is responsible for the financial policy of the 18 eurozone countries—in purchasing them from member governments.
　だが、１８か国のユーロ圏で金融政策を担っているＥＣＢが、各国の国債をどのような比率で購入すればいいのかなど、具体化に向けた難題は少なくない。

The future of the Japanese economy is looking brighter, while the United States, which has recovered its economic growth, is reducing quantitative monetary easing.
　日本経済は明るさを増し、成長の回復した米国は量的金融緩和の縮小を進めている。

The ECB’s policy management capabilities are now being tested on how the growth of the eurozone economy can be recovered to help achieve the stabilization of the global economy.
　世界経済の安定に向けて、欧州の成長をどう回復するか。ＥＣＢの政策運営が問われる。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 7, 2014)

福島原発汚染水 「凍土壁」だけでは解決しない

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Radioactive water issue cannot be resolved by ice wall project alone
福島原発汚染水　「凍土壁」だけでは解決しない

Tokyo Electric Power Co. has launched the construction of ice walls, a project aimed at curbing the buildup of radioactive water at its crippled Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
　東京電力福島第一原子力発電所の汚染水抑制を目指す「凍土遮水壁」の設置工事が始まった。

Halting the increase of contaminated water is the major task for the moment to end the crisis at the plant. Therefore, the project must be steadily promoted.
　汚染水の増加を食い止めることは、事故収束作業の当面の重要課題だ。着実に前へ進めねばならない。

Pipes to circulate liquid coolants will be buried over a 1.5-kilometer perimeter around the plant’s Nos. 1 to 4 reactor buildings, thereby freezing the soil to a depth of 30 meters below ground to construct ice walls. The government and TEPCO expect the envisaged ice walls to help prevent groundwater from flowing into the reactor buildings, which has caused an increase of contaminated water at the plant.
　１～４号機建屋の周囲１・５キロに冷却材を通す管を埋め込み、地下３０メートルまで凍らせて土の壁を築く。政府と東電は、汚染水増加の原因となる建屋への地下水流入を防げると期待している。

Many essential pipes and electrical cables are installed underground around the reactor buildings. If such equipment is accidentally damaged, it could impair the cooling functions of the reactors.
　建屋周辺の地下には、重要な配管や電気ケーブルが数多く埋設されている。これらを誤って傷つければ、原子炉を冷却する機能が損なわれかねない。

Given the high radiation levels at the construction site, it is necessary to minimize workers’ radiation exposure. Due care must be taken in carrying out the work.
　現場は放射線レベルが高く、作業員の被曝ひばくを最小限にとどめる必要もある。作業には細心の注意を払ってもらいたい。

Installation will cost ¥32 billion. The government will bear the cost as a research and development project. Power consumption equivalent to that of 13,000 ordinary households, running more than ¥1 billion annually in simple calculation, will be needed to keep the underground walls frozen.
　凍土壁の設置には、３２０億円を要する。研究開発事業の名目で政府が費用を負担する。冷却のために消費する電力は、一般家庭の１万３０００世帯分、単純計算で年間１０億円以上かかる。

Such massive spending aside, the question is whether the ice walls will ensure that groundwater will not flow into the reactor buildings.
　問題は、これだけの巨費を投じた工事で、建屋への地下水流入を確実に抑えられるかだ。

Ice walls have been used as a temporary method of halting the flow of groundwater when tunnels are constructed. The installation of ice walls on the currently planned scale is unprecedented in Japan.
　凍土壁は、トンネル工事の際に地下水を封じ込める臨時の工法として用いられてきた。今回のような規模は国内で例がない。

Fears of subsidence

There are fears that if the soil is not frozen evenly, it could cause subsidence. Experts have warned that if the ice walls melt due to problems with cooling functions, there could be a widespread danger of radioactive water flowing outside the reactor buildings.
　均一に凍らないと、地盤沈下が起きる恐れがある。冷却機能の故障で凍土壁が解けてしまうと、汚染水が建屋から周囲に広がる危険性も指摘されている。

There is no reason to place overly high expectations on the ice walls.
　凍土壁への過度の期待は禁物ということだろう。

Considering the fact that there has been constant trouble with the countermeasures taken so far to deal with radioactive water, it is essential to carry out several measures in parallel.
　これまでの汚染水対策がトラブル続きだったことを踏まえると、複数の対策を同時並行で進めていくことが肝要である。

The amount of contaminated water has increased by 300-400 tons a day. Storage tanks built on the plant’s premises already number about 900, leaving no choice but to assign many workers to maintenance and surveillance duties.
　汚染水は、１日に３００～４００トンずつ増えている。敷地内の貯蔵タンクはすでに約９００基に上り、その保守、監視などに多数の人員を割かざるを得ない。

This hinders work to repair the crippled reactors, which must be given top priority to end the crisis at the plant. This must be taken seriously.
　事故収束へ向けて最優先すべき原子炉の補修作業にも支障が生じている。深刻な状況だ。

Sooner or later, there will be no more sites available for the construction of storage tanks at the plant.
　タンクを設置する場所も早晩、なくなるだろう。

It is vital to reduce the amount of rainwater infiltrating the soil as one of the countermeasures. The decision was made to pave the plant’s site, but little progress has been made due to a delay in land leveling.
　対策の一つとして、地下水の元になる雨水の土壌浸透を減らすことが重要だ。敷地を舗装することが決まっているが、整地に手間取り、ほとんど進んでいない。

Experts have also pointed out the need to purify contaminated water before discharging it into the ocean. But the Advanced Liquid Processing System (ALPS) introduced for that purpose has continued to malfunction. It is necessary to achieve stable operation of the ALPS as soon as possible and launch a full-scale study into measures for discharging decontaminated water into the ocean, while seeking to win the support of the local governments and residents concerned.
　汚染水を浄化してから海に放出する必要性も、専門家から指摘されている。だが、浄化装置「ＡＬＰＳ」は故障続きだ。安定稼働を急ぎ、地元の理解を得ながら海洋放出の検討を本格化させたい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 6, 2014)

天安門２５年―改革になぜ踏み出せぬ

June 04, 2014
EDITORIAL: 25 years after Tiananmen, China must heed calls for democracy
天安門２５年―改革になぜ踏み出せぬ

"Remember June 4" is a slogan that is banned in China. But in Hong Kong, Tokyo and other cities around the world, Chinese citizens and their supporters are chanting this mantra.
　６月４日を忘れるな。
　中国で許されぬスローガンを、今年も香港、東京、世界各地で掲げる中国人とその友人がいる。

On June 4 exactly 25 years ago, China's Communist Party regime ordered the military to suppress pro-democracy students who had gathered in Beijing's Tiananmen Square.
　民主化を求める学生を中国共産党政権が武力で封じた天安門事件から、２５年が過ぎた。

We must never forget this date because the students' demands were absolutely spot on. Another reason is that Beijing is set on erasing the Tiananmen Square bloodbath from history.
　なぜ忘れてはならないのか。彼らが提示した民主化の方向性は正しいからであり、政権が事件を歴史から消そうとしているからである。

Around the time of the crackdown, socialist countries around the world were undergoing painful restructuring of their systems. But the Chinese regime of the time survived the transition, and later spearheaded the country's rapid economic rise.
　あのころ社会主義圏の国々は次々に変革を余儀なくされた。その中で中国の政権はもちこたえ、急速な経済成長を遂げた。

Probably emboldened by this, President Xi Jinping said in a speech during his visit to Europe in April, "Constitutional monarchy, imperial restoration, parliamentarism, a multiparty system and a presidential system, we considered them, tried them, but none worked," adding, "Finally, China took on the path of socialism."
　その自信ゆえか、習近平（シーチンピン）国家主席は４月の訪欧時こう講演した。「立憲君主制、帝政復活、議会制、多党制、大統領制、みな試したがうまくいかない。最後に中国が選んだのが社会主義の道だ」。

But this assertion is nothing more than a simplistic perception of history from the Communist standpoint.
しかしこれは、共産党の観点から歴史を単純化した議論にすぎない。

Now that China has abandoned a planned economy to allow market forces to rule, Xi's brand of socialism comes down to a system that does not tolerate any criticism against single-party rule by the Chinese Communist Party. The ranks of the oppressed do not consist only of political activists and intellectuals. All over China, ordinary citizens are unable to speak out against administrative and judicial corruption involving senior party members.
　計画経済を捨て去った今、習氏のいう社会主義とは、共産党の一党支配への批判を許さぬ体制を意味する。弾圧されているのは活動家や知識人だけではない。各地で、党の幹部が絡んだ行政や司法の不正に庶民が声を上げられずにいる。

But Wang Dan, a leader of the democracy movement who played a prominent role in the Tiananmen Square protest, points out that, as a result of the bloody crackdown, Beijing can no longer ignore the public's awareness for human rights. According to a provision written into the Constitution in 2004, the state "respects and guarantees human rights."
　それでも事件の主役の一人、王丹氏は、「人権」の意識を権力が無視できなくなったという成果を指摘する。０４年には憲法に「国家は、人権を尊重し保障する」と書き込まれた。

Former Premier Wen Jiabao used to reiterate that Beijing would gradually expand the public's participation in politics and seek to promote individual freedoms through education.
　前首相の温家宝氏は、政治参加を徐々に広げ、教育によって個人の自由と発展を重視することを度々表明していた。

But the direction seems to have been reversed since Xi came to power. Beijing certainly did not act "normal" when it began clamping down rigorously on activists and their supporters prior to June 4, and even applied pressure on foreign media.
　習政権になってから、それが逆流しているようにみえる。６月４日を前に、活動家らの拘束を徹底し、外国メディアにも圧力をかけてきたのは異常だ。

Over the last 25 years, citizens groups have kept alive their resolve to change politics. The popularization of the Internet has promoted solidarity among citizens, enabling them to keep speaking out despite censorship and oppression. And in urban areas, citizens movements are being organized against factory construction and other issues.
　政治を変えようという意思はこの２５年、民間で受け継がれてきた。ネットの普及は市民の連帯を促し、監視や弾圧に屈せず発言を続ける人々がいる。都市部での工場立地反対など、市民運動も芽生えている。

Steadily and surely, the ranks of politically and socially aware Chinese citizens are growing. It has been argued that the intellectual level of the public is still too low for democracy and that democracy is not the right system for China. But such arguments are no longer tenable.
　社会にかかわり、政治を考える人びとの層は着実に厚みを増している。国民の水準が低いとか、国情に合わないといった、民主化尚早論は通用しない。

The Xi regime must heed the voices of the people seeking freedom. It is simply wrong to send people to jail for just criticizing the regime.
　自由を求める民の声に、習政権は耳を傾けねばならない。権力批判の発言だけで投獄するのは正義に反する。

Beijing must allow free speech and accept the people's right to form associations to encourage healthy dissent. By skipping such phases of gradual democratization, China will never become a stable nation.
　言論と結社の自由を認め、健全な批判ができる幅を広げる。そんな民主化の段階的な発展なくして、国の安定はない。

The shouted demands of students of 25 years ago are even more legitimate today. They must never be forgotten.
　四半世紀前の学生らの叫びは今なお価値を増している。決して忘れるわけにはいかない。

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 4

（社説）被爆者の援護 国は争いに終止符を

June 03, 2014
EDITORIAL: Time to make peace with hibakusha A-bomb survivors
（社説）被爆者の援護　国は争いに終止符を

The 69th anniversary of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki is looming. The long-running legal battles between hibakusha survivors of the 1945 attacks and the government should be settled as soon as possible. It is the government that should take the initiative.
　広島、長崎への原爆投下からまもなく６９年。被害者と国との争いを一刻も早く終わらせたい。動くべきは国である。

The number of A-bomb survivors who have a hibakusha certificate book issued by the government is expected to fall below 200,000 this year. In recent years, the figure has been declining at an annual rate of more than 8,000. It now stands at around half of its peak in the 1980s.
　国の被爆者健康手帳を持つ人が今年、２０万人を割り込む見通しだ。最近は年８千人超のペースで減り、ピークだった８０年代のほぼ半分になった。

What should be noted here is that people with the certificate book don’t constitute all the victims of the A-bombings or their aftermath. Some people have not applied for the hibakusha book out of concerns that their families may suffer discrimination because of their radiation-related diseases.
Quite a few others have been denied the certificate book on grounds there is no witness who can testify to the truth of their claims of suffering exposure.
　注意したいのは、手帳を持つ人が原爆被害者のすべてではないということだ。家族への偏見を恐れて手帳を取らない人や、被爆体験を裏付ける証人が見つからずに手帳を取れない人も少なくない。

There are people who received high doses of radiation as a result of the “black rain” that fell on suburbs in Hiroshima after the attack. In Nagasaki, many people were exposed to radiation even though they were not in the designated atomic-bombed area. These people have also demanded the same level of aid as that received by the holders of the hibakusha book, but the government has so far rejected their demands.
　広島郊外で「黒い雨」を浴びた人や長崎周辺の国の指定地域外にいた「被爆体験者」も、手帳所持者と同等の援護を訴えているが、国は拒んだままだ。

Over the past 11 years, A-bomb survivors who have the book have filed a series of lawsuits against the government in an effort to change the system by which hibakusha are judged as suffering from radiation-related illnesses. In most of these suits, the courts have handed down rulings in favor of the plaintiffs. It is rare for the government to suffer such a series of defeats in administrative cases.
　手帳を持つ被爆者たちも１１年前から原爆症認定をめぐる裁判を相次いで起こした。行政訴訟では異例なことに、国はほとんど負けた。

In December 2013, the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare partially revised its criteria for recognition of atomic bomb diseases. Still, since then, three related court rulings have gone against the government.
厚生労働省は昨年１２月、認定基準を一部改めたが、その後もすでに３回、国側敗訴の判決が出ている。

Let us think afresh as to what is the greatest wish of A-bomb survivors.
　もう一度考えてみたい。原爆に遭った人たちが、最も願っていることはなんだろうか。

The Japan Confederation of A- and H-Bomb Sufferers Organizations, which was established in 1956, is dedicated to the cause of preventing further and future suffering from nuclear weapons. The two key goals of the organization have been the elimination of nuclear arms and support for hibakusha.
　１９５６年に結成された日本原水爆被害者団体協議会は、核兵器による被害を再び繰り返さないことを目標とし、核兵器廃絶と被爆者援護を運動の二つの柱にしてきた。

The lawsuits concerning official recognition of illnesses caused by A-bomb radiation tend to be seen as attempts to obtain greater support. But that’s not the only purpose.
　原爆症認定訴訟は「援護を手厚く」という要求とみられがちだが、それだけではない。

Hibakusha have urged the Japanese government, which started the war, to recognize correctly the damage caused by the atomic bombings and pay appropriate compensation to the victims because they believe these actions should be a first step in the effort to prevent a recurrence of the tragedy.
　被爆者は、戦争を起こした日本政府が原爆被害の実態を正しく認め、被害者に償うことが、悲劇を繰り返さないための第一歩になる、と訴えてきた。

But the health ministry has limited the eligibility for the government’s hibakusha relief program mostly to people suffering from the effects of exposure to radiation. As for people who are believed to have been exposed to relatively low levels of radiation, the ministry is reluctant to recognize them as A-bomb disease sufferers even if they are showing related symptoms. The ministry has refused to change its stance despite a string of court rulings that criticized its position on the issue as inconsistent with the spirit of the atomic bomb survivor relief law.
　だが厚労省は、救済対象を放射線による健康被害にほぼ限定した。浴びた線量が低いとみられる人たちが病気になっても、原爆症となかなか認めない。こうした線引きが被爆者援護法の趣旨に反するという司法判断が続いても、姿勢を改めようとしない。

Is the government waiting for these people to die? We urge the administration headed by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to respond sincerely to the question asked by angry hibakusha. The administration should acknowledge the government’s responsibility and take steps to end the legal battles. A radical revision to the criteria for recognition of A-bomb diseases would be a good place to start.
　「死に絶えるのを待っているのか」という被爆者らの憤りの声に安倍政権は向き合ってほしい。国の責任を認め、争いに幕を引くべきだ。まずは認定基準の抜本改定である。

The inhuman nature of nuclear weapons is attracting serious attention from the international community. If hibakusha, who are living witnesses to the inhuman nature of nuclear arms, and the government of the country that has experienced nuclear attacks can work together harmoniously, such cooperation would contribute greatly to the efforts to eliminate nuclear weapons.
　国際社会では核兵器の非人道性が注目されている。非人道性を身をもって知る被爆者と、被爆国がわだかまりなく共に歩めれば、核兵器廃絶に向け、このうえない力になるはずだ。

Abe is expected to visit the two cities this summer once again. Boilerplate speeches and superficial conversations will be meaningless. Abe needs to pay serious attention to the true wishes of hibakusha and take action immediately in response to their voices.
　安倍首相はこの夏も被爆地を訪れることになろう。通り一遍の対話では意味がない。被爆者らの真の願いに耳を傾け、ただちに行動をとってもらいたい。

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 3

（社説）給食と牛乳 望ましい食事とは何か

June 02, 2014
EDITORIAL: Removal of milk from school lunches sparks debate over dietary habits
（社説）給食と牛乳　望ましい食事とは何か

Milk doesn’t go well with Japanese cuisine, called “washoku,” does it? This simple question has provoked a heated controversy over school lunch menus.
　和食に牛乳は合わないのでは――そんな素朴な問いかけが、思わぬ反響を呼んでいる。

Sanjo, a city in Niigata Prefecture known as a rice production area, has decided to stop serving milk in its school lunches for four months from December this year on a trial basis. The decision represents a departure from a national tradition. School meals in this country almost always are served with milk.
　米どころで知られる新潟県の三条市が、学校給食につきものだった牛乳を試験的に停止すると決めた。

Sanjo’s decision was a response to complaints by parents that milk doesn’t fit in well with the washoku meals featuring mainly locally produced rice and vegetables that had begun to be offered at schools in the city.
地元の米や野菜を使った和食中心の給食を提供し始めたところ、保護者らから「牛乳と合わない」の声が出たことがきっかけだった。

The menu for one day in May, for example, consisted of Japanese royal ferns and bamboo shoots boiled slowly in soy broth, a trout that has been sprinkled with salt and broiled, white rice steamed with red adzuki beans, plus green peas and clear soup with steamed egg custard.
　例えば、５月のある日の献立はこんなふうだ。ぜんまいと筍（たけのこ）の煮しめ、マスの塩焼き、豆入り赤飯、卵豆腐入りすまし汁。

Even such traditional Japanese-style meals are always served with milk at school.
こんな昔ながらの和食にも、必ず牛乳がつく。

This is a tradition that started soon after the end of World War II when powdered skim milk began to be served at schools nationwide. Since then, milk has been an essential part of school lunches in this country.
学校給食では、戦後始まった脱脂粉乳の提供以来、当たり前の風景だ。

Sanjo’s move, which has been seen as a rebel against convention, has brought on spirited debates over the pros and cons in discussion forums on the Internet and in TV talk shows.
　それだけに、常識を覆す試みとしてネットやテレビなどで賛否両論がうずまいた。

Proponents say Japanese-style meals should be served with miso soup and green tea. But critics argue that this is a matter of personal preference.
　「やはり和食にはみそ汁、お茶」と賛同する声の一方で、個人の好みの問題だと反発の声が上がる。

Some people voice nutritional concerns that the elimination of milk from school lunch menus could result in calcium deficiency among children in their growth periods. But others contend that milk doesn’t suit the physical makeup of Japanese.
栄養面でも「成長期の子がカルシウム不足になる」と懸念する人がいれば、「そもそも牛乳は日本人の体質に合わない」と主張する人もいる。

Lurking behind this milk controversy, it seems, are the anxiety and doubts that Japanese people are feeling about their dietary habits despite the abundance of food in this country.
　背景には、豊富な食事情の裏で、人々が抱える不安や迷いがひそんでいるのではないか。

The history of school lunches in Japan dates to the Meiji Era (1868-1912). Originally, they were intended for students from poor families who were unable to bring their own lunches to school.
　日本初の学校給食は、弁当を持参できない貧しい生徒のため、明治時代に始まった。

A typical menu was made up of rice balls, grilled fish and pickles. Such frugal meals were common among Japanese households in those days.
おにぎりに焼き魚、漬物。家庭でもこんな素朴な献立が当たり前だった。

As the Japanese economy started growing rapidly after the war, triggering the massive migration of the rural population to urban areas, the nation’s culinary tradition began to fade amid a plethora of foodstuffs of all kinds, from high-end items to junk food. Since that era, a growing number of Japanese have become confused by a flood of information for fine food lovers and health conscious consumers.
それが高度成長期に入り人々が都会に集中し始めると、高級品からジャンクフードまであらゆる食べ物があふれる一方で、食の伝統は細り、グルメ情報や健康情報に振り回されて右往左往する人が増えはじめた。

The situation appears to have increased public expectations for school lunches, which have a good nutritional balance.
　だからこそ、栄養バランスが取れた学校給食に対する期待が高いのだろう。

Let us stop to think what desirable meals mean in the first place.
　立ち止まって考えたい。望ましい食事とはいったい何か。

The news that washoku was added to UNESCO’s Intangible Cultural Heritage list in December 2013 is still fresh in our memory.
　ユネスコの無形文化遺産に「和食」が登録されたことは記憶に新しい。

That means Japanese culinary culture, which makes the most of fresh food in season grown in a favorable natural environment, has been internationally recognized as healthy and delicious.
豊かな風土で育まれた季節の素材を生かした食文化が、ヘルシーでおいしいと世界的な評価を受けた。

The key question is not whether milk goes well with Japanese food. Milk is an efficient source of calcium that has contributed significantly to the physical development of Japanese children as it has been served with school lunches.
　肝心なのは牛乳の是非論ではなかろう。牛乳は効率の良いカルシウム源で、給食を通じて子の成長に寄与してきた。

But food is not a supplement. Another major cause of the calcium deficiency among Japanese is the decline of the traditional diet, which contains fish or sesame.
だが食品はサプリメントではない。日本人のカルシウム不足は、魚やゴマなどを取る伝統的な食生活が失われたことも大きい。

To make up for the elimination of milk from school lunches, Sanjo is tweaking other elements of the menu, such as the amount of rice and the contents of dishes accompanying the rice, to ensure the meals contain all the necessary nutrients.
　牛乳をなくした分、米の量やおかずの内容を工夫して、米どころらしい献立で必要な栄養を満たす。

We are willing to see how the city’s attempt to develop a well-balanced menu that reflects its reputation as a major rice production area will pan out.
そんな三条市の試みに、素直に注目したい。

That’s because truly luxurious meals may be something we are quite familiar with.
本当にぜいたくな食事とは、実は私たちの身近なところにあるのかもしれないのだから。

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 1

首相アジア演説 積極平和主義の実行が重要だ

The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:44 pm, June 01, 2014
Abe’s Singapore address stresses need for ‘proactive contribution to peace’
首相アジア演説　積極平和主義の実行が重要だ

To ensure freedom of navigation and overflights in Asia and the maintenance of the rule of law in the region, Japan must pursue to the fullest a policy of engagement and international contribution. How the country addresses the challenge will be a key touchstone to Japan’s “proactive contribution to peace” being upheld by the administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.
　アジアにおける航行・飛行の自由や法の支配を実現するため、日本は、最大限の関与と貢献をすべきだ。安倍政権の「積極的平和主義」の重要な試金石となろう。

On Friday, Abe delivered a keynote address titled “Peace and prosperity in Asia, forevermore” at the Asia Security Summit being held in Singapore.
　安倍首相が、シンガポールで開催中のアジア安全保障会議で、「アジアの平和と繁栄よ永遠なれ」と題して基調講演を行った。

In the speech, he emphasized the importance of peaceful solutions to international disputes based on international law and not dependent on the use or threat of force. Abe also expressed his support for the idea of upgrading the 2002 Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea between China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to a legally binding code of conduct.
　力や威圧に頼らない、国際法に基づく紛争の平和的解決の重要性を強調した。中国と東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）の南シナ海行動宣言を拘束力のある行動規範に格上げすることも支持した。

Abe’s reference to the declaration was made in light of the current confrontation between China and Vietnam concerning the sovereignty over the Paracel Islands in the South China Sea.
　南シナ海・パラセル（西沙）諸島の領有権を巡る中国とベトナムの対立を念頭に置いた主張だ。

China has unilaterally started oil-drilling operations in disputed waters near the islands, and caused a Vietnamese fishing boat to sink in a collision with a Chinese fishing vessel.
　中国は一方的に石油掘削を開始したばかりか、漁船の衝突によりベトナム漁船を沈没させた。

These are in the same vein as Beijing’s efforts to consolidate changes to the status quo through such means as the unilateral establishment in November 2013 of an air defense identification zone and having two Chinese fighter jets fly extraordinarily close to two Self-Defense Forces planes on May 24.
　東シナ海に防空識別圏を設定したうえ、戦闘機を自衛隊機に異常接近させ、既成事実化を図ろうとする手法と同様のものだ。

To stem China’s attempts to “change the status quo through force,” it is imperative for this country to work closely with the United States and ASEAN member countries to tenaciously push China into restraining its behavior.
　中国の「力による現状変更」の試みを阻止するためには、日本は、米国やＡＳＥＡＮ各国と緊密に連携し、中国に粘り強く自制を促すことが欠かせない。

Expand multilateral framework

In the keynote address, Abe unveiled a proposal for reinvigorating the East Asia Summit in which 18 countries—including Japan, the United States and China—have taken part, while calling for the creation of a permanent organization aimed at studying methods of multilayered collaboration between the EAS, the ASEAN Regional Forum and defense ministerial meetings in Asia.
　首相は講演で、日米中など１８か国が参加する東アジア首脳会議（ＥＡＳ）の活性化や、ＥＡＳとＡＳＥＡＮ地域フォーラム（ＡＲＦ）、アジア国防相会議との重層的な連携を検討するための常設組織の設置を提案した。

For the purpose of crafting a set of international rules for regional security and pressing China to abide by the rules, Abe’s aim of beefing up the framework for multilateral consultations of the region, including China, should be deemed reasonable.
　地域の安全保障の国際ルールを策定し、中国に順守を迫るため、中国を含む多国間協議の枠組みを強化する狙いは適切だろう。

The country should continue its diplomatic efforts to obtain understanding from countries concerned through a series of talks to realize Abe’s proposals toward an ARF meeting scheduled for this summer and an EAS meeting scheduled for autumn.
　今夏のＡＲＦや今秋のＥＡＳに向けて、首相提案を具体化するため、関係国との協議を重ねて理解を求める外交努力を続けたい。

It is also important to help boost the maritime security capabilities of Southeast Asian countries.
　東南アジア各国の海上保安能力を高めることも大切である。

Abe, for that matter, expressed in the keynote speech Japan’s readiness to provide Vietnam with coast guard patrol ships, in addition to making a similar pledge to Indonesia and the Philippines.
　首相は、インドネシア、フィリピンに続き、ベトナムにも巡視船を供与する意向を表明した。

The prime minister also indicated Japan’s plans to enhance defense equipment cooperation with ASEAN members through arms exports for such purposes as search and rescue operations, warning and surveillance, and transport on the basis of the three principles on transfer of defense equipment and technology that the government adopted in April.
　４月に決定した防衛装備移転３原則に基づき、救難、警戒監視、輸送などを目的とする武器輸出を通じてＡＳＥＡＮ各国との装備協力を進める考えも示した。

Extending support for ASEAN in the field of security to make contributions to peace in Asia will surely be conducive to helping ensure Japan’s own peace and security. Achieving a “proactive contribution to peace” is of key significance.
　安全保障分野でＡＳＥＡＮを支援し、アジアの平和に貢献することは、日本自身の平和と安全の確保に役立つ。「積極的平和主義」を具体化することが重要だ。

It is also of great importance for Japan to heighten the effectiveness of supporting ASEAN through cooperation with the United States, rather than acting single-handedly. In addition, efforts are needed to expand the country’s assistance to ASEAN not only in material terms such as the provision of patrol boats, but also nonmaterial aspects such as helping to train and nurture coast guard service personnel.
　日本単独でなく、米国とも協力し、ＡＳＥＡＮ支援の効果を高めることが大切だ。巡視船供与などハード面に限らず、沿岸警備隊員の研修・育成などソフト面の支援を拡充することも求められる。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 1, 2014)

維新の会分裂 野党再編は政策本位で進めよ

The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:07 pm, May 30, 2014
Split of Ishin no Kai must lead to policy-based opposition realignment
維新の会分裂　野党再編は政策本位で進めよ

Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party)—the party that has so far been at the core of the so-called third force in the Diet—will soon be split in two.
　第３極勢力の中核だった日本維新の会が分裂する。

Given the deepening intraparty schism over how it should address the challenge of realigning the opposition camp and handle basic policy affairs, the breakup of Ishin no Kai should be seen as a natural consequence of the course of things.
野党再編の進め方や基本政策で足並みが乱れてきた以上、当然の帰結と言えよう。

In a meeting on Wednesday, party coleaders Shintaro Ishihara and Toru Hashimoto agreed to split Ishin no Kai. Following the breakup, Ishin no Kai members will likely form new parties that separately center around Ishihara and Hashimoto.
　維新の会の石原慎太郎、橋下徹両共同代表が会談し、維新の会を「分党」することで一致した。石原、橋下両氏を中心に、それぞれ新たな政党を作ると見られる。

What triggered the split was the issue of a party merger—an idea initiated by Hashimoto—with minor opposition party Yui no To.
　分裂の引き金は、橋下氏が主導する結いの党との合流問題だ。

Ishihara demanded that an agreement on the “creation of a new Constitution truly based on the will of the people” be explicitly incorporated into a policy platform that would be adopted in the merger of the two parties. Yui no To leader Kenji Eda, however, opposed Ishihara’s demand, which Eda pointed out could hamper moves for rallying a broad range of opposition forces. The two parties’ merger consultations therefore reached a stalemate.
　石原氏は、結いとの政策合意に「自主憲法制定」の明記を求めたが、結いの江田代表は、幅広い野党結集の妨げとなると反対した。協議は行き詰まっていた。

In a news conference after the talks with Hashimoto, Ishihara said he felt a “major, unbridgeable gap” regarding how to handle such key issues as constitutional revision and the nation’s right to collective self-defense. As Hashimoto has made the merger with Yui no To a top priority, the split of Ishin no Kai was inevitable.
　石原氏は記者会見で、憲法や集団的自衛権の扱いに関し、結いと「大きな齟齬そごを感じた」と語った。橋下氏が結いとの合流を優先したため、分裂はやむを得ない。

Ishin no Kai was founded in September 2012 by Hashimoto and his associates. It subsequently merged with Taiyo no To (The Sunrise Party) led by Ishihara. After the merger, the party gained notable headway with Ishihara and Hashimoto as a prominent duo in the House of Representatives election in December 2012, but it fared poorly in last year’s House of Councillors election.
　維新の会は２０１２年９月、橋下氏らが結成し、その後、石原氏率いる旧太陽の党が合流した。両氏を二枚看板に１２年１２月の衆院選では躍進したが、昨年の参院選は振るわなかった。

Past conflicts

While Ishihara is in favor of forging ahead with nuclear power generation, Hashimoto and his followers have been steadfast in pursuing a policy of “reducing to zero” the nation’s reliance on nuclear power. There were often “east-west conflicts” over energy policies and other major issues between backers of Osaka-based Hashimoto and those supporting Ishihara and his mostly Tokyo-based allies.
　石原氏は原発を推進する立場なのに対し、橋下氏らは「原発ゼロ」を持論としている。党内では、エネルギー政策などを巡る「東西対立」が絶えなかった。

The recent breakup can be said to be the price for a political marriage of convenience that placed priority on electoral tactics while disregarding policy differences.
　今回の分裂は、政策の違いに目をつむり、選挙戦術を優先して合流したツケが回ったと言える。

Moves to realign the opposition parties appear likely to accelerate. Both Hashimoto and Eda have said they will jointly launch a new party as early as July to waste no time in preparing for unified local elections in spring 2015.
　今後は、野党再編が加速しよう。橋下、江田両氏は７月にも新党を作り、来春の統一地方選に向けた準備を急ぎたいとしている。

Hashimoto has been stressing the necessity of marshaling opposition parties to join forces against the Liberal Democratic Party. He is poised to call for part of the Democratic Party of Japan and Your Party members to join his envisaged new party.
　橋下氏は、自民党に対抗するため、野党結集の必要性を強調する。民主党やみんなの党の一部にも新党参加を呼び掛ける構えだ。

The DPJ, for its part, is said to be unable to sit on the fence regarding the unfolding situation. In the largest opposition party, there have been voices calling for the resignation of Banri Kaieda as party head due to his lack of leadership. The split of Ishin no Kai may lend an impetus to antileadership moves within the DPJ.
　民主党も、傍観してはいられまい。党内では、海江田代表は指導力に欠けるとして、辞任を求める声が出ている。維新の分裂が、民主党内の反執行部の動きを後押しする可能性もある。

Meanwhile, Ishihara is set to seek constitutional revision, with an eye on eventually working in tandem with the LDP. He is also expected to probe for opportunities to cooperate with Your Party, whose security policy is similar to Ishihara’s.
　一方、石原氏は、将来の自民党との連携を視野に、憲法改正の実現を目指す意向だ。安全保障の考え方が近いみんなの党との協力も模索すると見られる。

In making efforts to realign the opposition camp, it is of key importance to ensure that political ideals and key policies are shared among the parties involved.
　肝心なのは、野党再編を進める際に、政治理念や政策を共有することだ。

Even after its split, Ishin no Kai should never be neglectful of its role as a “responsible opposition party,” or a party in opposition that is prepared to extend cooperation to the ruling camp on policies that are considered appropriate.
維新の会は分裂後も、合致する政策については政権と協力する「責任野党」の立場を忘れるべきではあるまい。

In the Diet, the David and Goliath scenario has remained unchanged, with the LDP dominating since the upper house election in summer 2013.
　昨夏の参院選以降、自民党だけが突出した「１強多弱」の状況が続く。

The opposition parties have failed to ramp up their presence.
野党は存在感を示せていない。

The opposition camp must play its role of maintaining tension in the political arena by adequately pointing out problematic issues with policies being steered by the government and the ruling parties.
政府・与党の政策の問題点を指摘し、政治に緊張感を持たせる役割を果たさねばならない。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 30, 2014)

人口急減社会の問い―生き方の再検討を迫る

May 28, 2014
EDITORIAL: Japan's shrinking population forces us to reconsider how we live
人口急減社会の問い―生き方の再検討を迫る

Japan's projected population decline conjures up an image of a ball rolling down a steep slope.
　これから先、見込まれる日本の人口減少は、急な坂を転げ落ちるかのようだ。

According to estimates by the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research, the nation's population will shrink to two-thirds of the current level in the next half-century, and then to one-third 100 years from now.
　国立社会保障・人口問題研究所の推計によれば、人口は約半世紀で３分の２に、１世紀で３分の１に縮む。

Three panels of experts have issued reports on how to put the brakes on the decline.
　どうすればこの流れを緩められるか。官民三つの有識者会議が相次いで報告をまとめた。

All the reports concur that there are obstacles preventing people who want to marry and have children from doing so, and that these obstacles must be removed.
　主張の核心は、どれも同じ。結婚したい、産みたいという希望がかなっていないと指摘し、障害を取り除こうと訴える。

The reports also offer similar solutions, which boil down to expanding support for parents and changing the ways of working.
　対策にも共通点が多い。支援策拡充と働き方の改革である。

The Japan Policy Council, a private research foundation that issued one of the three reports, caught the public's attention by pointing out the possibility of about half of the nation's current rural municipalities ceasing to exist if they keep losing their populations to the big cities. But aside from the JPC's dire warning, the three reports offer no new practical solutions.
　三つのうち、民間の「日本創成会議」分科会が、大都市への人口流出が続けば約半数の市区町村は消滅の可能性があると指摘し、耳目を集めた。それを除けば、さほど目新しい指摘や対策があるわけではない。

This was only to be expected, as what needs to be done is already fairly clear. But the point is whether society and the political community will be receptive to the proposed solutions and follow through.
　当然だろう。元々、やるべきことははっきりしているからだ。焦点は政治と社会に理解を広げ、実現できるかどうかだ。

CHANGING REALITY OF FAMILIES
■変わる家族の現実

What are the problems?
　何が問題なのか。

Our society is solidly established on the traditional concept of the family, which is that the husband is the sole breadwinner and the wife is a full-time homemaker. But this is no longer the reality today, while the social systems, practices and people's mind-sets are still based on the traditional concept.
　夫が「一家の大黒柱」として家族のぶんまで稼ぎ、主婦が家族の世話をする。そんな家族像を前提に、日本社会に張り巡らされた制度や慣行、人々の意識が、家族の現実にそぐわなくなっている。

The situation in Japan is conspicuously different from those in other leading industrialized countries.
　ほかの先進国と比べると、日本の特徴がくっきり浮かぶ。

Despite the growing number of households where both spouses work, policy support for child-rearing families is still far from adequate.
　子育て支援が薄い。共働きの広がりに、支援策が追いついていない。

Long working hours are still routine, partly because the sole breadwinner has always been expected to put in overtime and never complain about transfers. So long as this mind-set remains, husbands will find it difficult to help with household chores and child-rearing. Women who want to work full-time jobs are forced to work long hours just like the men, and tend to put off marrying and starting a family.
　長時間労働が際だつ。「大黒柱」は残業も転勤もいとわず働くのが当たり前だったからだ。その慣行が続いている限り、夫は家事や育児に参画しにくい。男性に負けずに働こうとすれば女性も長時間労働を強いられ、結婚や出産を先送りしがちだ。

Wage levels differ greatly by how one works. In the past, part-time work was only for married women and students, whose wages were kept low on the premise that they could depend financially on their husbands or fathers. But there is a growing number of adult men nowadays who are earning low wages as part-time workers. The current trend for women to remain single or marry late will only accelerate if they keep waiting for men who will meet all their financial needs.
　働き方による賃金格差が大きい。かつて非正社員といえば、主婦のパートと学生のアルバイトだった。夫や父親の稼ぎに頼れる前提で賃金を抑えられていた。だが、その賃金水準で働く大人の男性が増えた。女性がなお「大黒柱」を待ち望めば、未婚・晩婚が進まざるをえない。

PROBLEMS WITH 'JAPAN MODEL'
■「日本型」のつまずき

If that is the case, some people argue, then we should revive the traditional concept of family.
　ならば昔の家族を取り戻せ。

But that is a tall order. The number of households that can survive on the husband's income alone is on the decrease, and in this age of unstable employment, it is too risky to rely on just one breadwinner. Housework is done differently today from the past, too. Families change along with changes in their circumstances.
　そう考える人もいるだろう。だが、難しい。夫の収入だけで暮らせる世帯は減っているし、雇用が不安定なこの時代、「大黒柱」１本に頼るのは危うい。家事の仕方も昔とは違う。環境が変われば家族は変わる。

We already know that the changes cannot be stopped.
　変化をとめられないことは、すでに実証済みだ。

When the government declared "the first year of the welfare society" in 1973, the oil crisis that occurred that year aggravated the nation's fiscal problems. This gave rise to the concept of the "Japanese-style welfare society." The argument then was that Europe's generous welfare handouts took away people's incentive to work, whereas the Japanese spirit of self-help and reliance on one's family, not on government handouts, was truly a virtue.
　１９７３年の「福祉元年」宣言もつかの間、同じ年に石油危機に見舞われ、財政の悪化が進んだ。そこに登場したのが「日本型福祉社会」論だ。欧州で、手厚い福祉が勤労意欲を減退させたなどと批判し、自助や家族の支えあいこそ日本の「醇風美俗（じゅんぷうびぞく）」だと唱えた。

The Liberal Democratic Party regime of the time took advantage of this argument to curb welfare spending and proceeded to reward households with wives who stayed at home or worked only very little to shoulder burdens of caring for children and elderly parents. Specifically, the government created a system whereby women, who are married to full-time company employees and earn less than a certain level of income themselves, are qualified for old-age pensions of their own without having to pay premiums.
　自民党政権は、これを論拠に福祉を削り、負担を引き受ける主婦の優遇策を進めた。代表例が、会社員の夫を持つ主婦は、収入が低ければ保険料を払わずに年金を受け取れる制度だ。

But even this system did not stop the number of dual-income households from growing. And ironically, although it was designed to benefit low-income married women, the system had the effect of encouraging part-time workers to keep their wage levels low. This became one of the causes of the significant wage gaps that exist today. The Abe administration is currently trying to review this "Japan-style" setup by encouraging women's "active participation" in society.
　それでも共働きは広がった。収入が低い主婦を優遇する制度は低賃金労働を誘い、賃金格差の一因となった。安倍政権はいま「女性の活躍」を掲げ、こうした「日本型」の施策の見直しにとりくむ。

Outside Japan, conspicuous drops in birthrates can be found in countries such as Italy and Spain where people rely on their families for the help they need. It is only natural that when families become overburdened, people hesitate to have children.
　世界をみても、イタリアやスペインなど、家族の力に頼る国々で少子化が顕著だと指摘される。家族に負担がかかりすぎると、家族をつくることをためらうのは、当然の帰結だろう。

SUPPORTING THE NEXT GENERATION
■支える世代を支える

The burden on families will grow even further in the days ahead. In the past, there were multiple working-age people financially supporting one senior citizen under the welfare system. But the nation is fast transforming into a "piggyback" society where there will be only one working-age citizen supporting a senior citizen.
　これから、家族の負担はもっと重くなる。日本は、多くの現役世代で１人のお年寄りを支えた「胴上げ型社会」から、１人で１人を支える「肩車型社会」へと突き進んでいる。

Will the working-age people be able to bear their tax and insurance premium burdens? Will more people be forced to give up work or motherhood in order to care for their elderly parents or relatives? Something must be done to protect both the younger and older generations from collapse.
　現役世代は、税や保険料の重さに耐えられるか。親族の介護のため、仕事や出産を諦める人が増えないか。共倒れを防ぐ工夫が要る。

For one, it is vital to ensure that people will be able to function to their full capacity.
　第一に、人の力を最大限生かせる仕組みである。

This calls for a system that will allow people to work flexibly while caring for their children or elderly family members.
　たとえば、介護や子育てなどの事情に応じて柔軟に働ける制度だ。

In the Netherlands, workers are entitled to demand shorter or longer working hours according to their needs, and employers are forbidden to unfavorably treat workers because of shorter working hours. As a result, the employment rate and birthrate have gone up.
オランダでは労働者が労働時間の短縮や延長を求める権利を定め、短いからといって待遇に差をつけることを禁じた。就業率も出生率も上昇した。

Secondly, it is necessary to provide support to the younger generation that supports the elderly population.
　第二に、お年寄りを支え続けるためにも、「支える世代を支える」ことである。

The three reports from the panels of experts propose that the nation's social security system, which is currently weighted heavily in favor of the elderly, should be revised to take the needs of the younger generation into consideration. Seniors in difficult financial circumstances obviously need help, but the needs of the younger generation cannot be ignored any longer.
　三つの報告は、高齢者に偏る社会保障を見直し、子育て支援などに振り向けよと唱える。貧しいお年寄りへの配慮が前提だが、避けてはいられまい。

The report by the JPC went one step further. Noting that the terminally ill who are no longer able to eat on their own are often fed from a tube, the report urged earnest discussion of issues related to terminal care to explore desirable forms of end-of-life treatment.
　日本創成会議は、口から食べることが難しい場合、胃にチューブを通す胃ろうなど「終末期ケア」のあり方も議論すべき時期だ、と踏み込んだ。人生の最後の時期をどのように過ごすのが幸せなのか、議論を促した。

We are born, and we will all eventually die someday.
　生まれる。死ぬ。

The nation's shrinking population forces us to face life squarely and reconsider how we live. And we cannot move forward unless the entire society engages in discussion.
　人口減少は私たちに、命をみつめることを求めている。生き方、暮らし方の再検討を迫っている。社会全体での議論なしには、前に進めない。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 26

竹富町の教科書 単独採択の容認は禍根を残す

The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:38 pm, May 27, 2014
Approval for Taketomi town to become independent school district problematic
竹富町の教科書　単独採択の容認は禍根を残す

The latest move in the Okinawa Prefecture school textbook case may become a bad precedent, we are afraid.
　教科書採択の悪あしき前例にならないか。

The Okinawa Prefectural Board of Education has approved the secession of the town board of education in Taketomi from the textbook selection council of the Yaeyama district—comprising the city of Ishigaki and the towns of Taketomi and Yonaguni—in the prefecture.
　沖縄県教育委員会が、石垣市、竹富町、与那国町による八重山採択地区から、竹富町の離脱を認めることを決めた。

The Taketomi Board of Education has been using a textbook of its own choice in public schools for more than two years, in violation of the law on the free provision of school textbooks, which stipulates that a joint textbook adoption district—comprising more than one municipality—must adopt the same textbook throughout.
　竹富町教委は、共同採択地区内で同一の教科書を採択するという教科書無償措置法に違反し、２年以上、独自に採択した教科書を使用している。

The Taketomi Board of Education did not comply with a demand for corrective action that the Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Ministry made in March based on the Local Government Law.
３月に文部科学省から地方自治法に基づく是正要求を受けたのに、従わなかった。

As the prefectural board of education has approved the Taketomi Board of Education’s establishment of an independent educational district, the Taketomi board will be able to adopt textbooks of its own choice beginning next fiscal year. We cannot help but feel doubtful about the latest development, as it seems to have caved in to the hard line taken by the town board.
　県教委が竹富町を独立した採択地区と認めたことで、竹富町教委は来年度以降に使用する教科書について、単独での採択が可能になった。ごね得とも言える展開には疑問を禁じ得ない。

We must remember that the current state of unlawfulness will remain until the end of this fiscal year. This development is quite problematic from the viewpoint of legal compliance.
　忘れてはならないのは、今年度いっぱいは、違法状態が続くことだ。法令順守の観点から、極めて問題がある。

Education Minister Hakubun Shimomura said the ministry would not file a lawsuit against the Taketomi town government to formally establish the illegality of the town board’s actions.
　下村文科相は、竹富町を相手とした違法確認訴訟は起こさない方針を表明した。

He has reportedly concluded that even if the education ministry wins the suit and has the town board change the textbook for use at public schools, it would only cause confusion in classrooms in the middle of an academic year. But this does not mean Shimomura approves of the current state of illegality.
これは、勝訴しても年度途中で使用教科書を変えると、学校現場が混乱しかねないと懸念したためだ。現在の違法状態を容認したわけではない。

The prefectural board of education carries a grave responsibility for allowing the confusion to drag on.
　混乱を長引かせた県教委の責任は、重大である。

Dispute over textbooks

In the summer of 2011, the textbook selection council of the Yaeyama district chose a civic studies textbook published by Ikuhosha Publishing Inc. for use in middle schools. The council selected the textbook because it contains a full description of territorial issues.
　八重山地区の採択地区協議会が中学校の公民教科書に育鵬社版を選んだのは、２０１１年夏だった。領土に関する記述が充実しているといった理由からだ。

Despite the council’s selection, however, the Taketomi Board of Education unilaterally decided to use a textbook published by Tokyo Shoseki Co.
　これに対し、竹富町教委のみが東京書籍版を採択した。

The prefectural board of education has not taken steps to have the Taketomi Board of Education take corrective action. Even when the education ministry instructed the prefectural board of education last October to demand the Taketomi Board of Education conform, the prefectural board did nothing.
　県教委は竹富町教委に、適切な働きかけをしていない。文科省が県教委に対して昨年１０月、竹富町教委への是正要求を指示した際も、動かなかった。

The joint textbook adoption system allows small local municipalities with limited personnel to cooperate with each other in selecting school textbooks. Joint textbook adoption districts comprise local municipalities that share the same sense of unity geographically and culturally.
　そもそも共同採択制度は、人員に限りのある小規模自治体が協力して教科書を選ぶ仕組みだ。地理的、文化的な一体性を持つ市町村が共同採択地区を形成する。

The law on the free provision of school textbooks was revised in April as some cases emerged in which the demarcation of the joint textbook adoption district would no longer correspond to the distribution of local communities and their livelihoods due to mergers of cities, towns and villages in recent years.
　近年の市町村合併で、採択地区の線引きが現状に合わない例も出てきたため、４月に教科書無償措置法が改正された。

The revision changed the description of administrative units of joint textbook adoption districts from “cities and counties” to “cities, towns and villages,” allowing textbooks to be selected by educational districts that combine towns and villages more flexibly.
採択地区の設定単位を「市郡」から「市町村」に変え、柔軟な組み合わせができるようにしたのが特徴だ。

The Taketomi Board of Education, apparently by distorting the meaning of the legal revision to its own advantage, demanded that it could break away from the educational district. Yet the ties among municipalities within the Yaeyama district remain strong. There are no special circumstances surrounding the district due to the recent merger of municipalities. The secession of the Taketomi Board of Education was not made in line with the purport of the law revision.
　竹富町教委はこれを逆手に取って離脱を要望した。しかし、八重山地区の結びつきは今も強い。市町村合併といった事情は見当たらない。竹富町の離脱は、法改正の趣旨を踏まえたものではない。

It is only reasonable that the boards of education of Ishigaki and Yonaguni have called for leaving the current framework in place.
　石垣市と与那国町が現行の枠組みの維持を求めたのは当然だ。

It is regrettable that such a natural procedure as the board of education selecting a textbook in compliance with laws and ordinances has been ignored.
　法令を守って、教科書を採択する。当たり前のことがないがしろにされたのは、残念である。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 27, 2014)

中国機異常接近 習政権は常軌逸した挑発慎め

The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:22 pm, May 26, 2014
China fighters’ abnormally close flying to SDF planes an aberrant provocation
中国機異常接近　習政権は常軌逸した挑発慎め

An incident has taken place that must be condemned as a thoughtless and extremely dangerous provocation, an act that came within a hair’s breadth of a midair collision. We absolutely will not overlook this occurrence.
　一歩間違えば衝突事故につながりかねない、非常識かつ極めて危険な挑発行為である。看過することはできない。

Two Sukhoi Su-27 fighter jets belonging to the Chinese military flew abnormally close to a Maritime Self-Defense Force OP-3C image data acquisition plane and an Air Self-Defense Force YS-11EB electronic intelligence plane Saturday, which were flying over the high seas in the East China Sea.
　中国軍のＳＵ２７戦闘機２機が２４日、東シナ海の公海上空を飛行していた海上自衛隊のＯＰ３Ｃ画像情報収集機と、航空自衛隊のＹＳ１１ＥＢ情報収集機に異常接近した。

The incident occurred in airspace where Japan’s air defense identification zone overlaps with what China claims as its own ADIZ. One of the Chinese fighters was reported to have flown roughly 50 meters from the OP-3C aircraft, while the other came as close as about 30 meters from the YS-11EB plane.
　現場は、日本の防空識別圏と、中国が主張する防空識別圏が重なる空域である。中国軍機はＯＰ３Ｃには約５０メートル、ＹＳ１１ＥＢには約３０メートルまで近づいたという。

International law does not explicitly stipulate the distance that airplanes should maintain from one another for safety purposes. However, the recent acts of flying extraordinarily close to the SDF planes are an affront to what are considered norms in the international community.
　国際法上、航空機同士が安全のため確保すべき距離は定められていないが、今回のような異常接近は国際常識から外れている。

On Sunday, Defense Minister Itsunori Onodera criticized China for its fighters’ aggressive behavior toward the SDF aircraft as “completely aberrant acts.” The Japanese government has lodged a protest over the incident through diplomatic channels, a natural response to the Chinese warplanes’ extremely close approaches.
　小野寺防衛相は「常軌を逸した近接行動だ」と中国を批判した。日本政府は外交ルートを通じ中国に抗議した。当然の対応だ。

The incident took place while China and Russia were conducting joint naval exercises in the East China Sea. The Defense Ministry said that at the time of the incident, the SDF planes were engaged in ordinary warning and surveillance duties at a considerable distance from the China-Russia exercise area. The Chinese Defense Ministry, however, issued a statement Sunday claiming that the SDF planes “monitored and interfered with the joint military drill by the navies of China and Russia.”
　東シナ海では、中国とロシアが合同演習を実施していた。防衛省によると、自衛隊機は演習区域から離れた場所で通常の警戒監視任務中だったが、中国国防省は「自衛隊機が中露合同演習を偵察、妨害した」との声明を発表した。

In the past, there have been several instances in which helicopters and airplanes of China’s State Oceanic Administration flew close to—within 100 meters—MSDF destroyers in the East China Sea.
　中国は過去にも、国家海洋局のヘリコプターや航空機が東シナ海で数回、海自の護衛艦の１００メートル以内を近接飛行した例がある。

SDF must not waver

The fighter jets that made extremely close approaches to the SDF planes were equipped with missiles and capable of flying at a far higher velocity. Beijing’s attempt to unilaterally justify such a dangerous show of force is absolutely unforgivable. While paying due attention to safety, the SDF must be resolute in continuing its warning and surveillance activities.
　今回は、ミサイルを搭載し、速度も速い戦闘機だ。より危険な示威活動を一方的に正当化しようとすることは許されない。自衛隊は安全に配慮しつつ、警戒監視活動をきちんと継続すべきだ。

Behind the unusual approaches by the Chinese fighters may be the hard-line posture of the administration of Chinese President Xi Jinping, which has been pursuing a policy of expanding China’s hegemony in both the East China and South China seas under the banner of building the nation into a maritime power.
　中国機の異常接近の背景には、「海洋強国」建設を掲げ、東・南シナ海で覇権の拡大を目指す習近平政権の強硬姿勢があろう。

It is worrying that the Chinese troops deployed in these areas may repeat such extreme shows of force.
　懸念されるのは、中国軍の現場部隊が今後も、過激な示威活動を繰り返しかねないことだ。

As demonstrated by an incident in January last year, in which a Chinese frigate locked its weaponry radar on an MSDF destroyer in the East China Sea, it is highly likely that the Chinese military has yet to put in place rules of engagement that would clearly prohibit military acts that run contrary to international norms.
　昨年１月の海自艦船へのレーダー照射事件で明らかになったように、軍隊の国際常識に反する行為を明確に禁止する部隊行動基準（ＲＯＥ）さえ中国軍には整っていない可能性が高いと見られる。

In reference to the radar-locking incident, a meeting of the Western Pacific Naval Symposium held in China in April this year with 21 countries taking part adopted the Code for Unplanned Encounters at Sea, defining such acts as targeting radar at a foreign naval vessel as “actions to be avoided.”
　レーダー照射に関しては、今年４月、中国で開かれた２１か国の西太平洋海軍シンポジウムで採択された行動規範で、「回避すべき行動」に位置づけられた。

Japan, for its part, should draft an international code of conduct and a set of rules regarding military affairs for the prevention of a contingency or a collision of warships or aircraft, in close cooperation with the United States and other relevant countries, with the aim of persistently urging China to participate in the framework of rules.
　日本は、米国や関係国と緊密に連携し、不慮の事故や衝突を防止する軍事的な国際行動規範やルールを策定して、中国に参加を粘り強く促すことが重要だ。

Efforts should also be made to resume currently stalled consultations between Tokyo and Beijing to formulate a bilateral “maritime liaison mechanism” focusing on such matters as the establishment of a hotline between senior defense officers of the two countries, with a view to achieving an agreement on the matter as early as possible.
　制服組幹部間のホットライン設置などを柱とする日中の「海上連絡メカニズム」の協議も再開し、早期合意を目指したい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 26, 2014)