国会改革 党首討論の定例化から始めよ

The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:08 pm, May 25, 2014
Reform of Diet should give priority to regular debates among party heads
国会改革　党首討論の定例化から始めよ

Working-level members from the ruling Liberal Democratic Party and its junior coalition partner New Komeito as well as the Democratic Party of Japan and Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party) have compiled measures to make Diet debates more efficient and substantial. The issue, pending from last year, has finally moved forward.
　自民、公明の与党と民主党、日本維新の会の４党実務者が国会審議の効率化と充実に向けた具体策をまとめた。昨年来の懸案が、ようやく前進したことになる。

After coordinating their proposals with other parties, the four parties should seek to have them adopted by the Diet in the next session.
　他党とも調整した上で、次の国会から適用すべきだ。

The pillar of their proposals is to reduce the appearances of the prime minister and Cabinet ministers before the Diet, and, instead, hold debates once a month in principle among the party heads from the ruling and opposition parties on essential issues.
　４党案は、首相や閣僚の国会出席を軽減する代わりに、与野党の党首が論戦する党首討論を原則、毎月１回開催することが柱だ。

The Japanese prime minister and Cabinet members are tied up with Diet schedules far more than their counterparts in the United States and European nations. It is a matter of course for the government to be made accountable, but it is putting the cart before the horse to require these leaders to answer questions in the Diet at the expense of their diplomatic and domestic political duties.
　欧米各国と比べて、日本の首相や閣僚は国会に拘束される時間が突出して長い。政府が国会で説明責任を果たすのは当然だが、国会答弁に追われて外交や内政にしわ寄せが生じるなら本末転倒だ。

It is appropriate to lighten the burdens of the prime minister and Cabinet members so as to allow them to dedicate their energies to their primary duties.
　首相と閣僚の負担を減らし、本来の業務に力を振り向けさせるのは妥当な考え方である。

Under the proposals, the prime minister’s attendance at both chambers’ budget committees would be limited to basic and concluding question-and-answer sessions and “intensive deliberations on certain issues deemed necessary.” Without stretching the interpretation of this stipulation, the prime minister’s attendance in the Diet should be limited.
　４党の案は、首相の予算委員会出席を基本的質疑や締めくくり質疑、「必要と認められる特定の事案に関する集中審議」に限定した。この規定を拡大解釈せず、首相の出席は抑制すべきだろう。

Supplementing the reduced duties of the prime minister with more debates among the party heads is a significant idea. There are many challenges that party heads must debate, such as the revision of the government’s constitutional interpretation over the exercise of the right to collective self-defense, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s Abenomics economic policies and reforms of the nation’s social security system.
　負担軽減の一方で、党首討論を活用する意義は大きい。集団的自衛権行使を巡る憲法解釈の変更問題や、安倍政権の経済政策「アベノミクス」、社会保障制度改革など、政党のトップ同士が論ずべき課題は多い。

No debates so far this year

Under the current system, party heads are supposed to hold debates once a week in principle. But there is an agreement among the parties that debates will not be held in weeks when the prime minister has to attend such Diet meetings as plenary and Budget Committee sessions.
　現在も党首討論は、週１回開催を原則としているが、首相が本会議や予算委などに出席する週は開かないとの申し合わせがある。

As the opposition parties prefer Budget Committee sessions, where it is easier for them to secure more time for questioning, debates among party heads have not been held so far this year. Party heads should be required to hold regular debates as part of this reform so party leaders will be able to hold substantial debates from a broader perspective.
　野党は、党首討論より審議時間を確保しやすい予算委を優先していることなどから、今年は一度も開かれていない。今度こそ定例化を実現し、大局的な観点からの論議を充実させるべきだ。

To make Diet deliberations on lawmaker-sponsored bills more meaningful, the proposals call for holding free debates between Diet members. As most bills submitted to the Diet are by the Cabinet, it is essential to promote legislation initiated by lawmakers.
　議員提出法案の審議を充実させるため、議員同士による自由討議を活用するという。多くの法案は内閣提出だ。議員立法の活用も進めねばならない。

Among other recommendations are that overseas trips by Cabinet members be approved in principle and that the senior vice ministers and parliamentary secretaries take charge for absent ministers. Reducing the burden on bureaucrats preparing ministers’ Diet answers by requiring Diet members to submit questions to the government early is also included in the proposals. Since these measures are all expected to make Diet deliberations more efficient, we hope the proposals will be carried out in their entirety.
　閣僚の海外出張を基本的に容認し、副大臣や政務官らが対応するとした。国会議員が質問内容を早い段階で政府に通告し、答弁準備にあたる官僚の負担を軽減させるという。いずれも国会審議を効率化する効果が期待できる。徹底してもらいたい。

Their proposals, however, are unsatisfactory in that they do not address the problem of a divided Diet, a situation in which the House of Councillors is controlled by the opposition, while the ruling camp has a majority in the House of Representatives. During the years of such a split Diet, opposition parties frustrated administrations by rejecting the government’s personnel appointments that required Diet approval. Narrowing the range of personnel appointments requiring Diet approval also merits consideration.
　物足りないのは、衆参のねじれに対応する取り組みを見送ったことだ。ねじれ国会では、野党は衆参両院の同意を必要とする国会同意人事を否決し、政権を揺さぶった。同意人事の範囲を絞るなどの見直しを検討してはどうか。

The ruling and opposition parties should calmly tackle such a challenge now that the Diet is no longer divided.
　与野党は、ねじれが解消した今こそ、こうした課題に冷静に取り組むべきである。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 25, 2014)

（社説）年金受給年齢 信頼をこわさぬように

May 24, 2014
EDITORIAL: Securing public confidence vital for pension reform
（社説）年金受給年齢　信頼をこわさぬように

A hot topic in the media is when is the best time for people to start receiving pension benefits.
Interest in the issue surged after Norihisa Tamura, the welfare minister, indicated that the government will consider allowing people to push back the age at which they start receiving benefits to 75.
　「年金を何歳から受け取り始めるか」という議論が、メディアで話題を集めている。きっかけは田村厚生労働相が、７５歳まで遅らせる選択肢を検討する意向を示したことだ。

Discussions on the minimum or best age to claim state pension benefits tend to cause misunderstandings. The government should tread carefully in considering any related proposal to avoid undermining public confidence that is vital for the health of the state pension program.
　年金の受給開始年齢をめぐる議論は誤解も生みやすい。公的年金の生命線である「信頼感」を損ねないよう注意深く進めるべきだ。

First of all, it should be noted that Tamura did not say the age of eligibility, or the earliest age at which people can claim benefits, will be delayed to 75.
　まず、厚労相は「７５歳からしか受け取れなくする」と言ったわけではない。

Currently, people can freely choose the age to start receiving benefits between ages 60 and 70. The proposal Tamura referred to would raise the maximum age to 75.
　いま、年金を受け取り始める年齢は６０歳から７０歳の間で自由に選べる。それを最長７５歳まで遅らせることを可能にしてはどうかという提案だ。

If you begin receiving benefits earlier, you will naturally receive money over a longer period, but the monthly amount will be smaller. If you delay the start, the monthly benefits will be larger.
　早くから受け取れば、もらえる期間が長くなり、その分、１カ月あたりの年金額は減る。逆に遅くすれば、月額は増える。

People can choose the age at which they become pensioners according to their own life plans.
これは個々人が自分の人生設計に照らして考えればいい。

What is controversial is the proposal to increase the age of eligibility for all recipients as a way to improve the financially troubled pension system.
　問題は、年金財政を好転させるために、受給開始年齢を一律に遅らせる考え方だ。

This approach would increase funds to finance pension benefits for future retirees by reducing current pension payouts.
当面の年金給付額が削減される分、将来世代に年金を払う原資が増えるメリットがある。

But this idea would not necessarily benefit younger generations because the age of eligibility cannot be raised at once.
　ただ、若い世代はみなメリットがあるかと言えば、そうでもない。年齢の引き上げは一気にできないからだ。

Currently, the earliest age retired corporate employees can claim the earnings-linked second tier of benefits under the employees’ pension program is being increased in stages from 60 to 65.
The entire process, from the decision to increase the pension age to the completion of the increase, will take 25 to 30 years.
　現在、厚生年金（報酬比例部分）の受給開始年齢は６０歳から６５歳に段階的に引き上げられているが、これも決定から完了まで２５～３０年かけている。

Even if the government decides now to increase the age of pension eligibility to 68 for all retired employees, the decision would not affect today’s elderly pensioners.
　仮に現時点で受給開始年齢を一律に６８歳に引き上げることを決めても、今の高齢者には影響を与えない。

Cuts in benefits due to the increase in the age of eligibility would start with young generations who tend to be deeply discontent with the current pension system. That means this idea would not do much to reduce the pension gap between generations.
　給付削減は、年金に強い不信を抱く若い世代から始まることになり、世代間の格差を緩和する効果は薄い。

The step could even increase young generations’ resentment toward the system and create an enormous wave of distrust of the whole social system that is supposed to support people’s retirement.
不満は一層高まり、老後を支える社会システム全体への不信の爆発へと連鎖する恐れがある。

Rather, the government should focus on considering reform measures that also affect people who are already receiving pensions. Ideas that merit serious consideration include a system for macroeconomic adjustment that would reduce pension payouts if the population shrinks, as well as reviews of the taxation on pensions and assets.
　それより、すでに年金を受け取り始めている層にも効く改革案、たとえば人口減少などにあわせ給付を抑える「マクロ経済スライド」の早期発動、年金や資産への課税見直しなどを優先的に検討すべきだろう。

What is crucial is to reassure people that they will receive pension benefits to help support themselves until the end of their lives. To ensure such a sense of security, the government should figure out the levels of benefits that need to be maintained while taking effective steps to increase job opportunities for the elderly.
　生きている限り、生活を支えられる現金が受け取れる――。この安心感を担保するため、高齢者雇用を広げながら、どのくらいの年金水準を維持すべきかを考えていきたい。

If the government rushes into cuts in benefits in its efforts to ensure the financial sustainability of the pension plan, it would risk raising fears among people that they will not receive sufficient pensions in their retirement. That would make absolutely no sense.
　年金財政の帳尻を、給付削減で合わせようとするあまり、多くの国民が「年金がない。あっても低すぎる」と絶望に陥ってしまっては元も子もない。

Policymakers should not forget the importance of combining employment and pension for making people’s retirement financially secure.
　老後の生活は、雇用と年金をあわせて支えていく。この視点を忘れるべきでない。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 24

タイクーデター 軍の全権掌握に正統性はない

The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:23 pm, May 24, 2014
Thai military's takeover of country cannot be justified in any way
タイクーデター　軍の全権掌握に正統性はない

Thailand’s military has staged a coup amid prolonged political turmoil, making the nation’s political prospects even more uncertain.
　政治混迷の続くタイで軍がクーデターに踏み切った。事態の先行きは一層不透明になった。

Thai Army chief Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha announced Thursday that the military had taken full control of the nation, declaring a coup following Tuesday’s imposition of martial law.
　タイのプラユット陸軍司令官が２２日、「軍が国家の全権を掌握した」と発表した。２０日の戒厳令発令に続くクーデター宣言だ。

With the collapse earlier this month of the government supporting former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, the National Peace and Order Maintaining Council, which primarily comprises military leaders, will be in charge of running the nation for the time being. Prayuth will assume the post of acting prime minister.
　タクシン元首相派の政権は崩壊し、当面、軍首脳らで構成する「国家平和秩序維持評議会」が国家運営にあたる。プラユット氏が首相代行を務める。

It was a drastic change of government in line with the stance of the anti-Thaksin camp, which had been calling on the administration to resign.
政権退陣を求めていた反タクシン派の立場に沿った政変と言えよう。

This is the first coup since 2006, when Thaksin, who had been under fire for allegedly amassing a fortune illegally, was ousted as prime minister.
　クーデターは、２００６年に不正蓄財疑惑で批判されたタクシン首相が失脚させられて以来だ。

Thailand has a history of attempting to end political turmoil by military coups. This coup was probably staged as a military attempt to end the confusion, given the abnormal situation in which the prime minister was sacked while the lower house of parliament had been dissolved.
　タイには、軍がクーデターにより、政治混乱の収拾を図ってきた歴史がある。今回は、下院が解散したまま、首相が失職するという異常事態を受けて、軍が混迷に終止符を打とうとしたのだろう。

The military is thought to be aiming to put the nation on a path to stability before transferring power to civilian control.
　軍は、安定化への道筋を付け、その後に民政移管することを考えているとみられる。

Whatever its reason may be, ignoring democratic procedures and toppling the government by force should never be condoned.
　しかし、どのような理由であれ、軍が、民主的な手続きを無視し、力によって政権を打倒する行為は、到底容認できない。

Military lacks legitimacy

Even though it has seized full power, the military clearly lacks legitimacy. It is suppressing human rights by imposing a nighttime curfew and restricting the freedom to assemble.
　全権を掌握しても、軍に正統性がないのは明らかだ。夜間外出禁止令や、集会の自由の制限なども課し、人権を抑圧している。

It was appropriate for Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida to express regret and say, “We strongly urge [Thailand] to swiftly restore a democratic political regime.” U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry also sharply criticized the Thai military, saying he was “disappointed” by its decision.
　岸田外相が、遺憾の意を表明した上で、「民主的な政治体制が速やかに回復することを強く求める」と述べたのは当然だ。ケリー米国務長官も、軍の行動に「失望している」と厳しく批判した。

The military should now find a way to realize political stability through persistent dialogue with various political camps.
　軍は今後、政治の安定に向け、各派との粘り強い対話を通じ、着地点を探すことが求められる。

The faction supporting Thaksin has been calling for an election under the current electoral system, which would put the pro-Thaksin camp at an advantage, while the anti-Thaksin camp has been demanding that electoral system reforms be given priority. Under such circumstances, it is no easy task to reach a conclusion that pleases every party concerned, including the military.
　タクシン派は自派に有利な現行選挙制度での総選挙実施を訴えてきたが、反タクシン派は選挙制度改革を優先させるよう求めている。軍を含む各当事者が満足する結論を出すのは容易ではない。

Of concern is the possibility that Thaksin supporters will stage demonstrations and clash with the military, leading to a situation similar to the armed suppression of Thaksin supporters by the military in 2010, which resulted in more than 90 fatalities. Both sides must exercise self-restraint and not repeat such a tragedy.
　懸念されるのは、タクシン派がデモを強行し、軍と衝突することだ。１０年には、軍がタクシン派デモを武力鎮圧し、９０人以上が犠牲になった。惨事を繰り返さぬよう、双方に自制が求められる。

It is difficult to fathom the consequences that the political imbroglio will have on the Thai economy. Indicators clearly show the Thai economy is already slowing, due mainly to sluggish consumer spending. The government’s failure to function effectively has already hindered budget compilation and the approval of large-scale investments.
　政治の混迷が、タイの経済に与える悪影響は計り知れない。消費低迷などで、既に成長の減速傾向が鮮明になっている。政府機能が十分に働かず、予算編成や大型投資の認可でも弊害が出ている。

The military should take it to heart that foreign investors, including Japanese companies, regard the nation’s political climate with its repeated coups as a risk factor for investing in Thailand.
　日本企業をはじめ、外国資本はクーデターが繰り返される政治風土自体を、タイのリスク要因と見なしている。軍は、そのことを肝に銘じるべきである。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 24, 2014)

大飯差し止め―判決「無視」は許されぬ

May 22, 2014
EDITORIAL: Court ruling on Oi nuclear plant should be accepted
大飯差し止め―判決「無視」は許されぬ

The Fukui District Court’s ruling May 21 on the Oi nuclear power plant is a sober judgment that fully reflects the lessons learned from the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster. Both Kansai Electric Power Co., the operator of the plant, and the government cannot afford to ignore the ruling.
　東京電力福島第一原発事故の教訓を最大限にくみ取った司法判断だ。電力事業者と国は重く受け止めなければならない。

The court ordered Kansai Electric not to restart the No. 3 and No. 4 reactors, which are currently offline for regular maintenance.
　関西電力大飯原発３、４号機（福井県おおい町）をめぐり、福井地裁が再稼働の差し止めを命じた。

The court said there was no way of knowing when an earthquake far more powerful than one the electric utility has braced for will strike.
Such an event, the court stated, could have grave consequences for residents living within a 250-kilometer radius of the plant in Oi, Fukui Prefecture.
　関電側の想定をはるかに上回る地震の可能性が否定できず、少なくとも２５０キロ圏内の住民に重大な被害を及ぼす恐れがある、と判断した。

Presiding Judge Hideaki Higuchi noted that the triple meltdown at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant forced the evacuation of 150,000 local residents, which was the catalyst for the deaths of 60 people, including hospitalized patients.
The catastrophic accident three years ago revealed “the true nature of risks inherent in nuclear power technology and the scale of damage” that a serious nuclear accident can cause, Higuchi said.
　裁判長は、福島原発事故で１５万人が避難を余儀なくされ、入院患者ら６０人の関連死があったことに言及し、「原発技術の危険性の本質と被害の大きさが明らかになった」とした。

“If the court avoided making a judgment on whether there is even a million-to-one chance of such an accident happening (at the Oi plant), it would amount to a dereliction of duty,” he added.
　そして「同様の事態を招く危険性が万が一でもあるか。裁判所がその判断を避けることは、最も重要な責務を放棄するに等しい」と述べた。

Presiding over a case involving nuclear power requires considerable expertise. In past rulings, Japanese courts tended to accept what the plant operator and the government claimed at face value.
　原発は専門性が高く、過去の訴訟で裁判所は、事業者や国の判断を追認しがちだった。

We give high marks to the Fukui District Court’s decision. It suggests that the court is taking its role as vital guardian of the law very seriouslyafter the nuclear disaster.
事故を機に、法の番人としての原点に立ち返ったと言えよう。高く評価したい。

What is especially notable about the ruling is that it is based entirely on the viewpoint of protecting the lives and livelihoods of people.
　特筆されるのは、判決が、国民の命と暮らしを守る、という観点を貫いていることだ。

Kansai Electric argued that the reactors need to be brought back online to ensure a stable supply of electricity and to cut costs.
　関電側は電力供給の安定やコスト低減を理由に、再稼働の必要性を訴えた。

But the court ruling roundly criticized the utility’s argument.
“It is legally unacceptable to discuss people’s rights concerning their very existence and economic concerns about electricity rates in the same terms,” the court said.
これに対し、判決は「人の生存そのものにかかわる権利と、電気代の高い低いを同列に論じること自体、法的に許されない」と断じた。

The ruling also rejected the argument that “suspending nuclear power generation is detrimental to the national interest because it will lead to increasing Japan’s trade deficit and drain of national wealth.”
It said, “National wealth means that people can live lives firmly rooted in rich land.”
　「原発停止は貿易赤字を増やし、国富流出につながる」という考え方についても、「豊かな国土に、国民が根を下ろして生活していることが国富だ」と一蹴した。

Kansai Electric said it will appeal the ruling. The court ruling is also certain to elicit an angry response from the business community and the local governments hosting the nuclear plant, which both had their sights set on the reactors restarting.
　関電は控訴する方針だ。再稼働を望んできた経済界や立地自治体の反発も必至だろう。

The district court’s decision is bound to be welcomed by many Japanese who have been shaken by the great suffering that residents of Fukushima Prefecture have had to endure.
しかし、福島原発事故で人々が苦しむのを目の当たりにした多くの国民には、うなずける考え方なのではないか。

After the nuclear accident, the Nuclear Regulation Authority (NRA) was established as a more independent nuclear industry watchdog. This had led to more stringent nuclear safety standards than before.
　事故後、独立性の高い原子力規制委員会が設置され、新しい規制基準が定められた。

The Abe administration has moved to reactivate idled reactors if they pass the NRA’s safety checks.
安倍政権は規制委の審査に適合した原発は積極的に再稼働させていく方針を示している。

But the court also pointed out the “limit of human ability in the face of (the great forces of) nature.”
　だが、判決は「自然の前における人間の能力の限界」を指摘した。

There are still many unsolved issues with regard to the Fukushima nuclear disaster; for example, what precisely caused the accident and why damage cut across such wide areas.
The ruling was intended as a strong warning against a head-long rush to bring reactors back online based only on limited scientific knowledge.
「福島原発事故がなぜ起き、なぜ被害が広がったか」にすら多くのなぞが残る現状で、限られた科学的知見だけを根拠に再稼働にひた走る姿勢を厳に戒めたといえる。

The operators of nuclear plants, the government and the NRA should offer clear and straightforward answers to the questions raised by the court ruling.
　事業者や国、規制委は、判決が投げかけた疑問に正面から答えるべきだ。

They should not be allowed to ignore them, banking on the possibility that a higher court may overturn the lower court’s decision.
上級審での逆転をあてに、無視を決め込むようなことは許されない。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 22

原発事故証言―再稼働より全容公開だ

May 21, 2014
EDITORIAL: Startling Fukushima testimony raises grave questions
原発事故証言―再稼働より全容公開だ

When faced with a life-threatening crisis, humans do not necessarily behave according to set rules. Some will do anything to save their skins. Without factoring in this possibility, is it ever possible to design something that is guaranteed to be safe?
　危機が極まった局面では、人間は必ずしも規則通りには動かない。自らの命を優先する者もいる。それを計算に入れずに、どう安全を設計できるのか。

We raise the issue because of a document that recently came to light. It is a record of statements made by Masao Yoshida, who was the manager of the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant at the time of the March 2011 disaster. Yoshida died last July of esophageal cancer.
This valuable document covers exchanges Yoshida made when he was questioned by the government's Investigation Committee on the Accident at the Fukushima Nuclear Power Stations of Tokyo Electric Power Co.
　福島第一原発の元所長、吉田昌郎（まさお）氏（昨年１２月に死去）の証言を記録した「吉田調書」の内容が明らかになった。

The document begs a fundamental question: Is it right to entrust operations of nuclear power plants to electric power companies that are private enterprises?
　貴重な証言を読むと、根源的な疑問が浮かぶ。原発とは、一民間企業である電力会社に任せていいものなのか、と。

According to the document, Yoshida said that on March 15, four days after the Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami crippled the Fukushima No. 1 plant, fears were being voiced that the plant's No. 2 reactor containment vessel was damaged or destroyed. At that most critical juncture, according to the document, about 90 percent of plant workers defied Yoshida's orders and fled to the Fukushima No. 2 plant, about 10 kilometers away, to seek temporary refuge.
　政府の事故調査委員会による調書によると、発生４日後だった。原子炉そのものが壊れるかもしれない。その最悪の事態が心配されたとき、所員の９割が命令に反して１０キロ余り離れた別の原発に一時退避したという。

Doubts have always existed about the efficacy of disaster response measures at nuclear power plants. Would any utility really order its workers to risk their lives and keep performing their duties? How many workers would the utility be able to continue to secure during an accident? At Fukushima, these questions were no longer just theoretical.
　原発の事故対応をめぐる疑問は以前からあった。電力会社は原発運転員らに「命が危なくても残って作業せよ」と命じられるのか。どこまで必要な人員を確保し続けられるのか。そう危惧される事態が実際に起きていたのである。

The safety of commercial nuclear power plants today can be maintained only if plant operators deal appropriately with any mishap. The more serious the situation, the more people are needed to contain the crisis. But unlike Self-Defense Forces personnel, police officers and firefighters, who are all special-status government workers, nuclear power plant operators are private-sector workers.
　現在の商業用原発は、異常が起きた場合、運転員が適切に対応して初めて安全が保たれる。深刻な状況になればなるほど、対応には人手が必要になる。だが、自衛官や警察官、消防士など特殊な公務員と違い、原発運転員は民間従業員である。

The 50 or so workers who stayed at the Fukushima No. 1 plant while the crisis unfolded came to be called the "Fukushima 50" and were lauded around the world for their heroic dedication. But there is no guarantee such heroism will come into play when the next nuclear crisis occurs. The document raises grave questions.
　当時、現場に残って献身的に働いた約５０人は「フクシマ・フィフティー」と呼ばれ、世界から称賛された。だが、次の事故でもそんな英雄的精神が発揮される保証はない。吉田調書は重大な問題を投げかけている。

Yet, Shunichi Tanaka, chairman of the Nuclear Regulation Authority, was reportedly not even aware of the document's existence. We find it extremely hard to understand that the head of this organization, created to prevent a recurrence of nuclear crisis, was not familiar with all the details from the outset of the Fukushima disaster.
　ところが原子力規制委員会の田中俊一委員長は調書の存在自体知らなかったという。事故を繰り返さないために生まれた規制組織が、事故の詳細を把握していないとは理解に苦しむ。

The possibility of plant workers deserting en masse during a crisis was not even raised during discussions last year on establishing new regulatory standards for nuclear power plants.
　原発の新しい規制基準が昨年つくられる過程でも、事故時の運転員たちの離脱は、その可能性さえ議論されてこなかった。

Yotaro Hatamura, an expert in the science of failures and former chairman of the government's investigation committee on the Fukushima accident, stated in the overview of the investigation report: "Whatever may happen will happen. Whatever is thought to never happen will also happen." Has nobody heeded Hatamura's warning?
　失敗学で知られる政府事故調の畑村洋太郎元委員長は、報告書の総括で「あり得ることは起こる。あり得ないと思うことも起こる」と述べた。その反省はどこへいってしまったのか。

The government's investigation committee interviewed 772 individuals in connection with the Fukushima disaster. There must be many valuable opinions that have yet to be made public.
　政府事故調は７７２人もの関係者から事情を聴いている。ほかにも貴重な論点が隠されているに違いない。

TEPCO must reveal every aspect of the mass desertion, and waste no time in doing so. The utility cannot be entrusted with nuclear power plant operations so long as it refuses to face the issue head-on.
　東京電力はただちに事実関係を明らかにすべきだ。この問題を正面から議論せずに原発運転を任せることはできない。

For its part, the government should disclose all investigation committee materials to the public and make every effort to ensure that people learn lessons from the Fukushima accident. In the absence of any such effort, we firmly oppose the restart of reactors that are currently off-line.
　政府は事故調の資料をすべて公開し、「福島の教訓」を国民的にくみ取る努力を尽くすべきだ。それなしに、再稼働へ突き進むことに反対する。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 21

中国の弾圧―理解できぬ言論封じ

May 20, 2014
EDITORIAL: What on earth is the Xi administration afraid of?
中国の弾圧―理解できぬ言論封じ

June 4 will mark the 25th anniversary of China’s bloody crackdown on pro-democracy protesters, mainly students, at Beijing's Tiananmen Square.
　民主化を求める学生らが弾圧された中国の天安門事件から、来月で四半世紀になる。

Lawyers and scholars who gathered for a small meeting to commemorate the event have recently been detained one after another.
　この事件について考える小さな集まりを開いた弁護士や学者が最近、次々に拘束された。

In an unacceptable move, the administration headed by President Xi Jinping is stepping up its efforts to suppress freedom of speech and public gatherings. We strongly urge the Chinese government to release all the detainees immediately.
　言論や集会への締めつけを強める習近平（シーチンピン）政権の振るまいは、看過できない。ただちに全員を釈放するよう強く求める。

Even today, people in China are not allowed to speak about the 1989 incident in public. The Chinese government, which does everything to maintain the Communist Party’s monopoly on power, still rejects the people’s thirst for democracy, just as it did a quarter of a century ago.
　今なお中国では、あの事件を公の場で語ることができない。共産党一党支配を続ける政権は当時と同様に、民主化の要求を受け入れようとしない。

The military opened fire on the Tiananmen protesters as it tried to quash the demonstration, killing many of them. Beijing is trying to place a gag on free speech to cover up this inconvenient historical fact.
　鎮圧に乗りだした軍が国民に銃を向け、多数を殺害した。そんな不都合な歴史にふたをするための言論封じでもあろう。

Chinese intellectuals and the families of the victims have been calling on the government to reveal the truth about the incident and reassess it.
　知識人や遺族らは、真相の解明や再評価を求めてきた。

A dozen or so people gathered for a private meeting held in Beijing on May 3.
今月３日に北京で開かれた会合も、その活動の一つとして、十数人が集まった。

Among them, five central figures, including Pu Zhiqiang, a prominent civil rights lawyer, and Xu Youyu, a liberal intellectual, have apparently been detained. Contact with them has been lost since May 4.
　そのうち人権派弁護士の浦志強氏、自由主義知識人の徐友漁氏ら、中心的な５人が翌日以降連絡がつかなくなっている。

The fact that Pu and the others were rounded up immediately after the gathering indicates that security authorities had been constantly watching their movements.
　会合直後に摘発したという事実は、当局が常に浦氏らを監視していたことをものがたる。

They have been apparently charged with “creating a disturbance.” But it is hard to understand how such a small private gathering can be regarded as a “disturbance.”
　容疑は「騒ぎを引き起こした罪」だとされる。この内輪のささやかな集まりがなぜ「騒ぎ」なのか、理解に苦しむ。

For many years, Pu has been working hard to improve the human rights situation in China. Pu’s biggest achievement so far is his successful campaign for the abolition of the so-called re-education through labor system, which was announced by the Xi administration late last year.
The controversial system, commonly known as "laojiao," was used to detain people for political education through labor for long periods without an open trial.
　浦氏は長年、人権の改善に尽力してきた。最大の功績は、裁判なしに拘束、長期労働させる「労働矯正制度」を昨年末、習政権に撤廃させたことだ。

The program, which dates back to the era of Mao Tse-tung, had also been used to suppress free speech. Pu has long been calling for its abolition. This background has made his detention all the more shocking.
　毛沢東時代以来のその制度は言論弾圧にも使われ、浦氏はずっと廃止を呼びかけてきた。それだけに今回の拘束は大きな衝撃を与えている。

In addition, prominent journalist Gao Yu, a former reporter for Xinhua news agency who was once involved in the Tiananmen movement, has gone missing. Some other domestic and foreign journalists have also been detained.
　ほかにも、天安門の運動に加わった経歴のある元新華社記者の高瑜氏が行方不明になっており、別の内外の報道関係者も複数拘束されている。

Human rights groups and research institutes around the world have issued statements voicing concern about these moves.
　こうした事態に憂慮を深める声明が、世界の人権団体や研究組織から相次いでいる。

A spokesperson for China’s Foreign Ministry has rejected the international criticism, saying that since China is a nation under the rule of law, any violation of Chinese law is punished according to the law.
　中国外務省報道官は「中国は法治国家である。中国の法律に触れれば、法によって処罰される」と反論している。

But does a country that detains people who only gathered for discussions deserve to be called a nation ruled by law?
　しかし、ただ集まって語り合っただけの人びとを捕まえるような国が法治国家の名に値するだろうか。

Beijing’s abuse of the legal system to silence dissent has only been getting worse. In April, a Chinese appellate court upheld the four-year prison sentence for prominent legal scholar and rights advocate Xu Zhiyong. He was convicted of “gathering a crowd to disturb public order.” Xu has been leading a grass-roots New Citizens’ Movement, which calls for the protection of people’s rights based on the Constitution.
　司法による言論弾圧の動きは強まるばかりだ。憲法に基づく権利を求めた「新公民運動」の主導者、許志永氏は先月、「公共の秩序を乱した罪」で懲役４年が確定した。

What on earth is the Xi administration afraid of? Its adamant determination not to allow any political organizations or dissenting voices that challenge the Communist Party’s grip on power can only be considered a sign of its lack of self-confidence.
　習政権はいったい、何を恐れているのか。共産党以外の政治組織も主張も一切認めぬ、かたくなな態度は、自信のなさを示しているとしか思えない。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 20

インフラ老朽化 橋とトンネルの点検を着実に

The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:13 pm, May 19, 2014
Safety inspections for antiquated bridges, tunnels urgently needed
インフラ老朽化　橋とトンネルの点検を着実に

Inspections of aging infrastructure such as bridges and tunnels are urgently needed to promptly work out and implement safety measures. This is a challenge that weighs heavily on local governments around the country.
　老朽化する橋やトンネルを点検し、迅速に安全対策を講じなくてはならない。全国の自治体にとって重い課題だ。

Effective from July, the Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism Ministry will make it obligatory for bridges and tunnels under the administration of prefectural governments as well as those managed by city, town and village municipalities to receive safety checks every five years. Local governments are supposed to assess the safety of bridges and tunnels in four stages, and take countermeasures corresponding to the respective stages.
　国土交通省は７月から都道府県道や市町村道にある橋やトンネルを５年ごとに点検するよう、各自治体に義務付ける。自治体は橋やトンネルの安全性を４段階で自己評価し、レベルに応じた対策に取り組む。

If a structure is judged as being in a “state requiring emergency measures,” with impediments to its proper functions or having an extremely high possibility of impediments, the rules laid down by the ministry call for the local government concerned to carry out swift repairs and impose necessary traffic regulations.
　構造物の機能に支障が生じたり、その可能性が著しく高かったりする「緊急措置段階」と診断された場合は、迅速な修繕や通行規制を実施するルールだ。

Up to now, there have been no criteria of safety inspections common to all local governments, such as frequency of inspections and safety evaluation methods. The central government’s action is proper, as it is aimed at obliging local entities to carry out safety inspections and assessments uniformly to resolve the problem of decaying infrastructure.
　自治体には共通の点検基準がなく、検査の頻度や、安全性の評価方法はまちまちだった。政府が点検や安全診断を一律に自治体へ課し、老朽化対策を進めるのは妥当と言えよう。

What is problematic in this connection is that damage to and deterioration of infrastructure, or social overhead capital, such as bridges and tunnels, many of which were built during the period of rapid economic growth, will certainly worsen rapidly from now on.
　懸念されるのは、高度成長期に整備された橋やトンネルといったインフラ（社会資本）の損傷や劣化が今後、急速に進むことだ。

About 40 percent of bridges throughout the country and about 30 percent of tunnels will be more than 50 years old in 10 years from now.
　完成から５０年以上が経過する施設は１０年後、全国の橋で約４割、トンネルで約３割にも達する。

It should be noted that it is not the central government but local governments that are in charge of administering 90 percent of the nation’s 700,000 bridges and 70 percent of the 10,000 tunnels. Local entities must lose no time in buckling down to the task of dealing with aging infrastructure.
　特に自治体は、全国に約７０万ある橋の９割、約１万に上るトンネルの７割を管理している。自治体の老朽化対策は待ったなしだ。

Scarcity of engineers

Infrastructure safety measures taken so far by local governments are inadequate.
　これまで自治体の安全対策は十分だったとは言い難い。

A fact-finding survey the ministry conducted in the wake of the collapse of part of the ceiling of the Sasago Tunnel of the Chuo Expressway in Yamanashi Prefecture in December 2012 revealed that 30 percent of local governments with tunnels under their jurisdiction had never conducted a safety inspection of any tunnel before the Sasago Tunnel collapse.
　２０１２年１２月に起きた中央自動車道・笹子トンネルでの天井板崩落事故を受けて、国交省が実態を調査したところ、事故後になって、初めてトンネルを点検した市町村は約３割に達した。

The reluctance of local governments to carry out repairs on aging infrastructure may be due to a shortage of funds and inadequate technical capabilities.
　多くの自治体が老朽化対策に消極的な背景には、予算や技術力が乏しい事情がうかがえる。

Therefore, the central government’s action simply to oblige local governments to conduct regular safety inspections and come up with safety evaluations may not produce the desired results.
　国が自治体に定期点検や安全性の評価を義務付けるだけでは、対策の効果は十分に上がるまい。

It is necessary for both the central government and local entities to redouble their efforts to secure sources of funds to deal with aging infrastructure and beef up collaboration with private-sector businesses.
　政府・自治体は、老朽化対策の財源確保や民間企業との連携強化に工夫を凝らす必要がある。

It may be inevitable to close down bridges and tunnels that have seen little use in depopulated areas to reduce the number of those to be inspected and repaired to cut expenditures.
　過疎化でほとんど利用されていない橋やトンネルは閉鎖して点検や修繕の対象を絞り込み、費用を抑制することもやむを得ない。

If a number of city, town and village governments got together in issuing contracts to repair aging infrastructure, they would be able to boost the efficiency in budgetary appropriations.
複数の市町村が企業に修繕を一括発注できれば、予算の効率的な執行に役立つだろう。

Meanwhile, local governments also suffer from a serious shortage of engineers to maintain and repair infrastructure. About 50 percent of the country’s town governments and 70 percent of village governments have no engineers capable of inspecting bridges.
　自治体の技術者不足も深刻だ。橋を点検できる職員のいない町は全国の５割、村は７割に上る。

Is it not possible for the central government and businesses to send engineers to local entities plagued by manpower shortages and have them carry out inspections and repairs on infrastructure that require a high level of skill?
　国や企業の技術者を人材難の自治体に派遣し、高度な技術を要する点検・修繕を代行させる仕組みが考えられないか。

Due consideration also should be given to training courses to improve the technical capabilities of local governments so they can carry out infrastructure maintenance and create an ability-based qualification system.
　自治体の技術力を高める研修を充実したり、資格制度を新設したりする方策も検討に値しよう。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 19, 2014)

５・９％成長 駆け込みの反動減を乗り切れ

The Yomiuri Shimbun 7:12 pm, May 18, 2014
Govt, BOJ must tide over economy’s downturn in the wake of sales tax hike
５・９％成長　駆け込みの反動減を乗り切れ

The national economy’s higher-than-expected growth in the first three months of the year is due primarily to a last-minute surge in demand ahead of the three-percentage-point consumption tax hike to 8 percent in April.
　消費税率引き上げ前の駆け込み需要で押し上げられた高成長である。

To prevent business activities from stalling because of a slowdown of personal consumption in reaction to the tax hike, the government and the Bank of Japan must, without fail, make every possible effort to properly handle economic policy.
　増税後の反動による消費減少で景気失速を招かぬよう、政府と日銀は政策運営に万全を期すべきだ。

According to a report the Cabinet Office released Thursday, the nation’s gross domestic product during the January-March quarter climbed sharply at an inflation-adjusted annual rate of 5.9 percent, and 1.5 percent compared with the previous quarter.
　内閣府が発表した１～３月期の実質国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）は、前期比１・５％増、年率換算で５・９％増の高い伸びとなった。

The broad expansion in consumer spending served as a major driving force for the jump in GDP—the total value of goods and services produced across the country. Prior to the rise in the tax rate to 8 percent from April 1, there was a large increase in spending on durable goods such as automobiles and home appliances.
　牽引けんいん役は、個人消費の大幅な増加だ。４月から消費税率が８％に上がる前に、自動車や家電などを購入する動きが強まった。

Corporate capital spending, another pillar of domestic demand, also registered a remarkable growth in the first three months of this year, up 4.9 percent from the previous quarter, the highest in about two years. The boost in corporate confidence in capital investment, with companies’ business performances helped by the economic tailwind, including the yen’s weakening, can safely be claimed as a factor favorable to putting the national economy on a full-fledged growth track led by the private sector.
　内需のもう一つの柱である企業の設備投資も、前期比４・９％増と、約２年ぶりの大幅な増加を記録した。円安などを追い風に業績を回復した企業の投資マインドの改善は、民間主導の本格成長への好材料と言える。

It is feared, however, that the pace of growth may plunge, at least temporarily, after April because of the adverse impact of the consumption tax increase. It is imperative to minimize the economic pullback.
　だが、４月以降は消費増税の影響によって、経済成長にいったんブレーキがかかることが懸念される。景気の落ち込みを最小限にとどめる必要がある。

The government should make efforts to steadily implement a fiscal stimulus spending program worth ¥5.5 trillion that was incorporated into a supplementary budget for fiscal 2013.
　政府は、２０１３年度補正予算に盛り込んだ５・５兆円規模の経済対策の、着実な執行に努めてもらいたい。

Reliance on fiscal spending, however, should be limited. Swift recovery of private-sector demand, such as consumption, is of key importance.
　ただし、財政出動に頼り続けるわけにはいかない。消費など民需の速やかな回復が大切だ。

Fall in exports worrying

Such economic indicators as sales at department stores and purchases of new cars logged negative month-on-month growth figures in April. Although some analysts say the shrinkage is within their expectations, there can of course be no room for undue optimism.
　百貨店の売り上げや新車販売台数は、４月にマイナスに転じた。落ち込みは想定内とする見方もあるが、油断は禁物だろう。

It is necessary to improve the employment and income environment for the populace to shore up domestic demand. The news in this connection is encouraging in that many businesses raised regular monthly pay in the spring by taking into account requests from the administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to increase the wages of employees.
　雇用・所得環境をさらに改善して、需要を下支えすることが求められる。安倍政権の要請もあり、多くの企業が今春、ベースアップに踏み切ったのは心強い。

Whether the moves for higher wages will spread to employees of small and midsize companies, as well as part-timers and other nonregular workers, to ensure robust growth is a truly big challenge.
　賃上げの動きを中小企業の社員やパートなどの非正規労働者にも波及させ、力強い成長を実現できるかどうかが課題である。

The aggregate of after-tax profits of companies listed on the First Section of the Tokyo Stock Exchange in the settlements of accounts for the year ended March 31 this year were double the figure for the previous year. Decisions by high-performance companies to continue to give back some of their profits in the form of higher wages and bonuses for employees will certainly help expand consumption, which will in turn lead to increased corporate profits, thus creating a driving force to realize a “virtuous economic cycle.”
　今年３月期決算で、上場企業の税引き後利益の合計は、前年から倍増した。好業績の企業が今後も利益を給与やボーナスで社員に還元することが、消費を増やし、それが企業利益を押し上げる「好循環経済」の原動力になる。

It is also important for private enterprises to determine carefully what lines of business should be considered promising to accelerate their capital investment.
　民間企業が将来性のある事業をしっかり見極め、前向きの投資を加速させることも重要である。

What is worrisome, however, is that the nation’s exports have yet to recover despite of the weakness of the yen.
　気がかりなのは、円安が定着しているのに、輸出が思うように回復していない構造的な問題だ。

Given that the growth of China and emerging economies in Asia has slowed down, the uncertainties of future prospects of demand from abroad have been deepening alarmingly.
　中国やアジア新興国の成長率が鈍化し、外需の先行きは一段と不透明になってきた。

It is time for Japan to more effectively use its assets for creatively manufacturing products, including the “one-only” skills that are particular to many small and midsize businesses and a mountain of patents major companies currently possess but have not used, so as to enhance this country’s global earning power.
　中小企業の持つオンリーワン技術や大企業に埋もれる多数の特許など、日本のもの作りの財産を有効活用し、「世界で稼ぐ力」を今こそ高めなければならない。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 18, 2014)

辺野古移設―これが熱望した祖国か

May 17, 2014
EDITORIAL: Heavy-handed approach to Futenma can only antagonize Okinawa
辺野古移設―これが熱望した祖国か

An extraordinary situation concerning the proposed relocation of the U.S. military’s Futenma base is unfolding in Okinawa, which marked the 42nd anniversary of its reversion to Japan on May 15.
　この１５日に本土復帰から４２年を迎えた沖縄県で、米軍普天間飛行場（宜野湾市）の移設をめぐって、異常ともいえる事態が進行している。

The Japanese government is aggressively pushing ahead with preparations for carrying out its plan to relocate Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in the crowded city of Ginowan to the sparsely populated Henoko district of Nago, another city in the prefecture.
　名護市辺野古への移設をめざす政府が、強引に工事の準備に取りかかっているのだ。

On April 11, the Abe administration took its first step toward building the new base when the Okinawa Defense Bureau, the Defense Ministry’s local bureau in charge of implementing the plan, submitted six requests with Nago Mayor Susumu Inamine. One of the requests was for use of the Henoko fishing port as an open storage yard for construction materials.
　まず動きがあったのは４月１１日。政府の担当部局である沖縄防衛局が工事に先立ち、資材置き場として使う辺野古漁港の使用許可申請など６件の申請書を、名護市長宛てに提出した。

The move was made abruptly without any advance consultation. Officials at the defense bureau brought the applications into the Nago city office just before the end of the office hours. Some of the application documents were left with the wrong departments.
　それは事前調整もなく突然のことだった。防衛局職員が持ち込んだのは市役所の閉庁間際。提出先を間違え、他の部署に置いて帰った書類もある。

The documents unilaterally set a May 12 deadline for replying to the requests, although there is no legal basis for such a deadline. There were also many errors in the documents, such as omissions.
　文書には、根拠のない「回答期限」が一方的に設定されていたほか、記載漏れなどの不備が目立った。

Although the Nago municipal government asked the bureau to resubmit the applications, the bureau has refused to do so, saying the documents were in order.
　名護市は再提出を求めたが、防衛局は「適正だった」と拒んだまま。

The unilaterally set May 12 deadline has passed, but the bureau remains intent on forging ahead with the construction plan while assuming that its requests have been turned down by the city.
期限とした５月１２日は過ぎた。防衛局は許可が得られなかったものとして、計画を進めるという構えを崩さない。

Bewildered by the bureau’s attitude, the official in charge of the matter at the Nago municipal government said, “Since the applications don’t meet the formal requirements, we can’t start reviewing them.”
　市の担当者は「申請書の形式を満たしておらず、審査に入れない」と戸惑う。

In January, when Prime Minister Shinzo Abe spoke about the plan to move the Futenma air base to the Henoko district, he said, “We intend to proceed with the plan in a sincere manner while trying to win the understanding of the local communities.”
　普天間飛行場の辺野古移設について、安倍首相は１月に「地元の皆様のご理解をいただきながら、誠意を持って前に進めていきたい」と語った。

But the reality belies his words. There has been no sign of good faith in the way the administration has been dealing with the matter.
　ところが、現状は見ての通り。誠意のかけらもない。

The heavy-handed approach the government adopted appears to be an open challenge to Mayor Inamine, who was re-elected in January by running on a campaign to stop the relocation of the Funtenma base to Nago. After his re-election, he pledged to block the start of the construction of the new base by using his powers as the mayor.
　１月の名護市長選で移設反対を訴えて再選され、「権限を行使して着工を阻止する」と表明した稲嶺進市長に挑むような、強硬姿勢だ。

The government plans to start drilling into the seabed for necessary investigations as early as June with an eye on beginning reclamation work next spring.
　政府は６月以降、海底ボーリング調査を開始し、来春にも埋め立て工事に着手する予定だ。

However, the government has offered no convincing answers to concerns about possible major negative effects on the environment and people’s lives. It is feared that in addition to causing noise and other nuisances to local residents, the runways of the envisioned base, which would extend over water from the U.S. military's existing Camp Schwab, would also have a serious impact on the marine ecosystem that nurtures dugong, a rare marine mammal designated by the government as a protected species, and a coral reef community.
　しかし、国の天然記念物のジュゴンやサンゴの群落など、近海の豊かな生態系への影響や騒音など、環境や生活に大きな支障が出るという心配に、政府は納得いく説明をしていない。

If it wants to win the “understanding of the local communities,” the government needs to respond head-on to these concerns.
　「地元の理解」を得るには、まず地元の心配に正面から答えなくてはならない。

There has been growing support for Okinawa’s opposition to the base relocation plan among intellectuals and politicians overseas. American film director Oliver Stone, for instance, has issued a statement opposing the project.
　米国の映画監督オリバー・ストーンさんらが移設反対の声明を出すなど、海外の知識人や政治家の間に、沖縄への理解が広まりつつある。

In an effort to convince the U.S. public of the unfairness of the relocation plan, Inamine left for a trip to the United States on May 15.
米国世論に移設の不当性を直接訴えたいと１５日、稲嶺市長が渡米した。

On the same day, Abe announced that the administration will start considering a change of the government’s interpretation of the Constitution to make it possible for Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense.
　同じ１５日、安倍首相は集団的自衛権の行使容認の検討を表明した。

Does this controversial initiative represent the nation to which Okinawa wanted so eagerly to return when it was occupied by the U.S. military and denied the benefits of the pacifist Constitution?
それは、平和憲法の及ばない米軍占領下、沖縄が復帰を熱望した祖国の姿だろうか。

The stern-faced government that is forging ahead with the plan to relocate the base within the prefecture in the face of strong local opposition cannot embody the country to which Okinawa wanted to belong.
　まして、反対いまだ根強い県内移設にひたすら突き進む、こわばった顔つきの国が、望んだ祖国であるはずもない。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 17

集団的自衛権―戦争に必要最小限はない

May 16, 2014
EDITORIAL: Collective self-defense a question of whether Japan can go to war
集団的自衛権―戦争に必要最小限はない

A private advisory panel submitted a report to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe on May 15, calling on the government to take steps to allow Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense.
The report drafted by the Advisory Panel on Reconstruction of the Legal Basis for Security said the government should change the traditional interpretation of war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution that prohibits Japan from taking part in collective self-defense, as maintained by successive Cabinets.
　歴代の内閣が憲法９条のもとで否定してきた集団的自衛権の行使を、政府解釈の変更によって認めるべきだ――。
　安倍首相の私的諮問機関「安全保障の法的基盤の再構築に関する懇談会」がきのう、こんな提言を柱にした報告書を首相に出した。

After receiving the report, Abe announced the start of a political process, including talks between the ruling coalition parties, to make it possible for Japan to use its right to collective self-defense.
　これを受けて、安倍氏は集団的自衛権の行使容認に向けた与党協議などの政治プロセスに入ることを表明した。

USING SELF-DEFENSE RIGHT MEANS WAR
■自衛権の行使＝戦争

Successive Cabinets have shared a view that Japan has to revise the Constitution before it is allowed to exercise its right to collective self-defense.
　集団的自衛権の行使を認めるには、憲法改正の手段をとらざるを得ない。歴代内閣はこうした見解を示してきた。

Any amendment to the Constitution must be approved by the public in a special referendum under procedures stipulated in Article 96 of the Constitution. However, Abe is trying to skip this procedure and make a fundamental shift in Japan’s postwar pacifist policy only through talks among the ruling parties and a Cabinet decision.
　安倍氏が進めようとしているのは、憲法９６条に定める改憲手続きによって国民に問うべき平和主義の大転換を、与党間協議と閣議決定によってすませてしまおうというものだ。

His move represents a radical departure from the principle of constitutionalism under which a government is based on a Constitution and could have seriously harmful effects on the nation.
　憲法に基づいて政治を行う立憲主義からの逸脱である。弊害はあまりにも大きい。

First of all, Abe’s plan will fundamentally change Japan’s postwar pacifism, which emerged after serious national soul-searching about World War II.
　まず、戦争の反省から出発した日本の平和主義が根本的に変質する。

The proposed change will pave the way for the use of armed force by the Self-Defense Forces in situations where Japan is not under attack. That means Japan could join in a war that has not been directly waged against it.
　日本が攻撃されたわけではないのに、自衛隊の武力行使に道を開く。これはつまり、参戦するということである。

The advisory panel has set some conditions for Japan’s exercise of its right to collective self-defense. The report says Japan can use the right only in situations where its safety could be seriously threatened and only if it has received an explicit request or consent (from the country that has been attacked).
　懇談会は、集団的自衛権を行使するには「わが国の安全に重大な影響を及ぼす可能性がある」「（攻撃された国の）明示の要請または同意を得る」といった条件をつけている。

But none of these conditions can be a clear and effective restriction because they are either a simple assumption or a norm under international law.
　だが、いずれも単なる前提に過ぎなかったり、国際法上あたり前のことだったりして、明確な歯止めとはなり得ない。

This is simply a question of whether or not Japan exercises its right to collective self-defense. Both Abe and the panel emphasize that Japan should be allowed to use the right for a minimum required level of defense. But such a quantitative notion is meaningless.
　集団的自衛権を行使するかしないかは、二つに一つだ。首相や懇談会が強調する「必要最小限なら認められる」という量的概念は意味をなさない。

The moment Japan exercises the right, this nation becomes the enemy of the other country involved.
　日本が行使したとたん、相手にとって日本は敵国となる。

Also, changing the government’s interpretation of the Constitution would amount to approving a distorted form of governance that effectively puts the Constitution under the Cabinet’s control.
　また解釈変更は、内閣が憲法を支配するといういびつな統治構造を許すことにもなる。

This prospect inevitably raises concerns that even the basic principles of the Constitution, such as popular sovereignty and respect for fundamental human rights, could be affected by the intentions of the government. That means Japan will no longer be able to claim to be a nation under the rule of law.
　国民主権や基本的人権の尊重といった憲法の基本原理ですら、時の政権の意向で左右されかねない。法治国家の看板を下ろさなければいけなくなる。

Moreover, the Abe administration’s move to forcibly make a virtual constitutional amendment by reinterpreting the Constitution while failing to take effective steps to improve Japan’s relations with its neighbors will exacerbate the already high tensions in East Asia.
　そして、近隣国との関係改善を置き去りにしたまま解釈改憲を強行することで、東アジアの緊張はかえって高まる。

UNACCEPTABLE DOUBLE STANDARDS
■見過ごせぬ二重基準

Abe’s remarks at the May 15 news conference were difficult to understand.
　きのうの記者会見での首相発言は、理解しがたかった。

In addition to calling for changing the government’s position on Japan’s right to collective self-defense, the advisory panel urged the administration to change its interpretation of the Constitution to adopt the position that there are no constitutional restrictions on the use of armed force by the SDF under the United Nations framework of collective security.
　懇談会は集団的自衛権のほか、国連の集団安全保障のもとでの自衛隊の武力行使に憲法の制約はないと解釈するよう、政府見解の変更を求めた。

Abe refused to accept this proposal, saying it is “logically inconsistent with the government’s traditional interpretation of the Constitution.”
　首相はこの考え方を「これまでの政府の憲法解釈とは論理的に整合せず、採用できない」と退けた。

By the same token, the proposal to allow Japan to use its right to collective self-defense is also inconsistent with the government’s traditional interpretation of Article 9.
　それをいうなら集団的自衛権の行使容認も、これまでの政府の憲法解釈とは整合しない。

Even so, Abe invoked the government’s constitutional theory, announced in 1972, that Japan is not prohibited by the Constitution from taking measures for self-defense that are necessary to maintain its peace and safety and ensure its existence. He then claimed that the argument that Japan should be allowed to engage in collective self-defense operations is based on the government’s “basic stance.”
　それなのに首相は、「自国の平和と安全を維持し、その存立を全うするために必要な自衛の措置」は禁じられていないという７２年の政府見解を引き、集団的自衛権は許されるとの考えは「政府の基本的な立場を踏まえている」と評価した。

But in 1972, the government said, following the statement quoted by Abe, that the Constitution banned Japan from exercising its right to collective self-defense. Accepting the panel’s proposal without referring to this fact can only be described as deception using double standards.
　だが、７２年の見解は、首相の引用部分に続いて「集団的自衛権の行使は憲法上許されない」と明記している。そこには触れぬまま提言を受け入れようというのは、二重基準によるごまかしとしか言いようがない。

Will lawmakers of Abe’s Liberal Democratic Party and its junior coalition partner, New Komeito, accept such a transparent sham in their talks over the proposal? We cannot take our eyes off the political process.
　これから与党協議に臨む自民党や公明党の議員は、こんなまやかしを認めてしまうのだろうか。協議の行方から目を離すことはできない。

DO NOT REMOVE ARTICLE 9 RESTRICTIONS
■９条のたがを外すな

Besides the question of exercising the right to collective self-defense, the panel’s report also deals with other related issues, including whether and when SDF troops should be allowed to use weapons while taking part in U.N. peacekeeping operations and how to respond to intrusions into Japanese territories and territorial waters that are not regarded as armed attacks.
　一方、集団的自衛権の行使容認とは別に、報告書は国連ＰＫＯの際の武器使用のあり方や、日本の領土・領海への武力攻撃とまではいえない侵害への対応にも触れている。

The panel’s argument that there are no constitutional restrictions on the SDF’s use of weapons during peacekeeping operations is totally unacceptable. But it is true that these issues demand careful discussions.
　「ＰＫＯでの武器使用に憲法の制約はない」という懇談会の提言は論外にしても、ＰＫＯなどの問題は、一つひとつ丁寧に検討すべき論点であることは確かだ。

As for the SDF’s use of weapons overseas, the government has been walking on a tightrope in interpreting the Constitution and enacting related legislation in its efforts to respond to international calls for Japan’s active involvement in peacekeeping operations without violating the pacifist principles of Article 9. It is true that this pursuit of mutually conflicting goals has led to some serious inconsistencies concerning the SDF’s peacekeeping activities.
　海外での武器使用に関しては、政府は９条の平和主義と国際社会からの要請とのはざまで、針の穴を通すような憲法解釈や立法を重ねてきた。そうした矛盾がＰＫＯの現場で端的に表れてきたのも事実だ。

But this is a restriction Japanese people have imposed on themselves out of their respect for Article 9 of the Constitution.
　しかし、それは憲法９条を尊重してきた日本国民が自らに課した「たが」でもある。

Few would dispute the need to make more efforts to figure out ways to solve the problems related to the inconsistencies. Obviously, however, measures to be considered should be limited by the restrictions imposed by Article 9 unless the Constitution is amended.
　この矛盾を少しでも解消するため、さらに知恵を絞るべきなのは当然のことである。ただし、憲法を改正するのでなければ、検討は９条の範囲内にとどめるのもまた当然である。

Abe appears intent on using his initiative to enable Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense as a breakthrough in his quest to eventually remove all restrictions imposed by Article 9.
　首相は集団的自衛権の行使容認を突破口に、やがては９条のしばりを全面的に取り払おうとしているように見える。

If this is the principal goal of Abe’s political agenda for the nation’s “break away from the postwar regime,” it is unacceptable.
　これが「戦後レジームからの脱却」の本質であるならば、看過できない。

For what purpose should Japan be allowed to use its right to collective self-defense? What should be done to ensure Japan’s security and enhance its contribution to international peace? The goals of the government’s security policy and the means to achieve them should be the right ones.
　いったい何のための集団的自衛権の行使なのか。日本の安全確保や国際平和への貢献のために何をすべきなのか。その目的や手順を誤ってはならない。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 16