路上の民主主義―自ら考え動き出す人たち

May 15, 2014
EDITORIAL: Citizens taking a stand to protect democracy in Japan
路上の民主主義―自ら考え動き出す人たち

The triple disaster that befell Japan in 2011 was the catalyst for profound reflection among citizens and calls for fundamental changes in our society.
The Great East Japan Earthquake generated towering tsunami that triggered meltdowns at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant and plunged the nation into a state of shock. Some people likened the catastrophe to a “seconddefeat in war.” Many Japanese took it upon themselves to try to engineer change in society.
　変わらなければ。
　変えなければ。
　東日本大震災と東京電力福島第一原発事故を経験した２０１１年。「第二の敗戦」といった言葉も飛び交うなか、日本社会は深い自省と、根源的な変革を求める空気に満ちていた。

One visible manifestation of the reflective mood was a massive rally calling for an end to Japan’s reliance on nuclear power generation. It was held in Tokyo about six months after the calamity. An estimated 60,000 people attended the “Sayonara Genpatsu” (Good-bye to nuclear power generation) rally, according to the event’s organizers.
　それを目に見える形で示したのが、震災から約半年後に東京で開かれた「さようなら原発」集会だ。主催者発表で６万人が参加。

In his address to the rally, Kenzaburo Oe, a Nobel laureate writer, stressed the importance of the gathering and demonstrations in general as a means for citizens to express their views. “What can we do? All we have are such rallies driven by the democratic spirit and demonstrations by citizens,” he said. Nearly three years have passed since then.
ノーベル賞作家・大江健三郎さんは訴えた。「何ができるか。私らにはこの民主主義の集会、市民のデモしかない」
　あれから３年近くが経った。

ABE SOWS SEEDS
■首相がまく種

During this time, the Liberal Democratic Party returned to power. The LDP-led government has sought to restart idled nuclear reactors and revived the old-style policy of spending on massive public works projects.
　自民党が政権に戻り、原発再稼働が推進され、大型公共事業が復活する。

The grim realization has dawned on many Japanese that they have failed to bring about change.
　何も変えられなかった。

Some people have become disillusioned. Others have lost heart or simply grown weary.
　冷めた人。折れた人。疲れた人。

There is no denying that the bitter sense of resignation that set in among the people, coupled with their deep disappointment at the performance of the previous government led by the Democratic Party of Japan, has provided much political capital for the Abe administration.
民主党政権への深い失望と相まって膨らんだ諦念（ていねん）が、安倍政権の政治的原資となってきたことは否めない。

A pillar of democracy is a belief in the need to have constructive, in-depth exchanges with people of opposing opinions.
　反対意見に向き合い、議論を深める。民主制の根幹だ。

But Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appears to believe quite the opposite. He seems to think that as the nation’s top leader, chosen through elections, he can have his own way and would be wasting his time listening to others' opinions.
しかし首相はどうやら、選挙で選ばれた、最高責任者の自分がやりたいようにやるのが政治で、反対意見なんか聞くだけ無駄だと考えているようだ。

This, then, explains the Abe administration's outrageous decision to seek an effective elimination of constitutional restrictions on Japan’s use of armed force through nothing more than a Cabinet decision.
　憲法の縛りさえ、閣議決定で「ない」ことにしてしまおうという粗雑さ。

The Diet, which is dominated by the ruling parties, has been showing increasing signs of acting as a rubber stamp body in the face of the administration’s strong-arm approach to policymaking.
これに対し、与党が圧倒的議席をもつ国会は、単なる追認機関と化しつつある。

Are ruling party leaders aware that the prime minister’s heavy-handed tactics for pursuing his political agenda and the pitifully tame Diet are spawning and fostering a new breed of political actors who think and act on their own?
The question is whether this situation is fortunate or unfortunate for this nation’s negligent politicians.
　気づいているだろうか。
　首相の強権的な政治手法とふがいない国会のありようが、自ら思考し、行動する政治的な主体を新たに生み、育てていることに。怠慢なこの国の政治家にとっては、幸か、不幸か。

MAKING THEIR VOICES HEARD
■声を響かせる

The English phrase “Fight the power” is the principal slogan adopted for a student demonstration staged in Tokyo’s Shinjuku district on May 3, Constitution Day, against the newly enacted state secrets protection law.
The slogan is “a little too radical, but probably OK because it is in English,” said one of the student organizers.
　「『Ｆｉｇｈｔ　ｔｈｅ　ｐｏｗｅｒ』、これは権力と闘えって意味で、ちょっと過激なんすけど、まあ英語だから大丈夫かなと」

The 400 or so participants practiced chanting in chorus in a park where they gathered before taking to the streets. They took part in the demonstration as individuals, not as members of any organization, in response to calls on the Internet or invitations by friends to turn up for the rally.
　憲法記念日に東京・新宿で行われた「特定秘密保護法に反対する学生デモ」。集合場所の公園で約４００人が声を合わせ、コールの練習を始めた。都内の大学生らが主催した、党派によらない個人参加のデモ。ネットや友人関係を通じて集まった。

As they started marching on the streets, led by a car equipped with a loudspeaker beating out a rhythm with heavy bass sounds, the demonstrators kept chanting, “No to the state secrets protection law” and “Protect the Constitution.” These rather stiff phrases, chanted in a rhythmic pace, echoed across Shinjuku.
　出発。重低音のリズムを刻むサウンドカーを先頭に、繰り返される「特定秘密保護法反対」「憲法守れ」。堅苦しい言葉がうまくリズムに乗っかって、新宿の街にあふれ出していく。

Participating students took the microphone in turns.
　大学生たちがマイクを握る。

“I feel happy about being born in Japan, where we can live freely in ways we like,” said one student. “But the state secrets protection law was rammed through the Diet in the face of opposition. As I was concerned that the Japan I love so much could be destroyed if nothing was done, I felt compelled to act.”
　「自分らしく、自由に生きられる日本に生まれたことを幸せに思っています。でも、特定秘密保護法が反対を押し切って成立した。このままじゃ大好きな日本が壊れちゃうかもしれないって思ったら、動かずにはいられませんでした」

“I’m not ashamed of expressing my will to protect my freedom and rights,” said another. “And I believe in making ‘constant efforts’ to do so.”
　「私は、私の自由と権利を守るために意思表示することを恥じません。そしてそのことこそが、私の『不断の努力』であることを信じます」

They all spoke clearly in their own words and from their hearts.
　私。僕。俺。借り物でない、主語が明確な言葉がつながる。

Do they want to change their society? It would seem they are more interested in protecting their society.
　社会を変えたい？
　いや、伝わってくるのはむしろ、「守りたい」だ。

The way the controversial bill was railroaded through the Diet raised many doubts and questions in their minds.
　強引な秘密法の採決に際し、胸の内に膨らんだ疑問。

They asked themselves what democracy really means. One tentative answer they came up with is that it means they need to keep thinking on their own without any fear of making mistakes and continuing to voice their doubts and questions if they think that something is wrong.
　民主主義ってなんだ？
　手繰り寄せた、当座の答え。
　間違ってもいいから、自分の頭で考え続けること。おかしいと思ったら、声をあげること。

That is why they took to the streets and made their voices heard.
　だから路上に繰り出し、響かせる。自分たちの声を。

“Tell me what democracy looks like?” one student shouted. “This is what democracy looks like!” responded the others.
　「Ｔｅｌｌ　ｍｅ　ｗｈａｔ　ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ　ｌｏｏｋｓ　ｌｉｋｅ？（民主主義ってどんなの？）」のコール。
　「Ｔｈｉｓ　ｉｓ　ｗｈａｔ　ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ　ｌｏｏｋｓ　ｌｉｋｅ！（これが民主主義だ！）」のレスポンス。

One scholar argues that, in a period of upheavals when people find it difficult to envision a bright future, they tend to cling to something by engaging in physical activities.
　ある学者は言う。頭で考えても見通しをもてない動乱期には、人は身体を動かして何かをつかもうとするんです――。

The students are well aware of the harsh reality. They know society doesn’t change easily. But they also know they don’t have to give up. They are more focused on continuing, rather than winning their battle.
　彼らは極めて自覚的だ。社会はそう簡単には変わらない。でも諦める必要はない。志向するのは「闘い」に「勝つ」ことよりも、闘い「続ける」ことだ。

CHANGE IS HAPPENING
■深く、緩やかに

Anti-nuclear demonstrators held their 100th rally in front of the prime minister’s office in Tokyo on the first Friday of May.
　５月最初の金曜日に１００回目を迎えた、首相官邸前デモ。

The number of participants has fallen, and the enthusiasm of the regular event has waned. Instead, it has become part of the everyday lives of people still taking part in the event.
　数は減り、熱気は失せ、そのぶんすっかり日常化している。

There are couples sitting on the lawn and eating rice balls and groups singing songs. They enjoy spending time in their own ways in areas around the prime minister’s office, which are “opened to the public.”
植え込みに座って、おにぎりを食べるカップル。歌をうたうグループ。「開放」された官邸周辺を思い思いに楽しんでいる。

Demonstrators have stuck to some basic principles, including keeping their acts peaceful, focusing on core messages and participation as individuals. Without the experiences accumulated through regular, uneventful anti-nuke rallies in front of the prime minister’s office and the wise strategies developed for this new type of demonstrations, there might not have been the waves of people protesting against the state secrets protection law in front of the Diet last December or the recent student rally in Shinjuku.
　非暴力。訴えを絞る。個人参加。官邸前で積み上げられた日常と、新しいデモの「知恵」がなければ、昨年１２月に秘密法に反対する人々が国会前に押し寄せることも、学生たちのデモも、なかったかもしれない。

“Its strong roots are not visible/ But they are there even though they are invisible/ Invisible things exist,” Misuzu Kaneko says in her book, “Hoshi to tanpopo” (The star and the dandelion).
　つよいその根は眼にみえぬ。
　見えぬけれどもあるんだよ、
　見えぬものでもあるんだよ。
　（金子みすゞ「星とたんぽぽ」）

Like dandelions, these civic movements have deep roots in people’s daily lives. Like pieces of dandelion fluff, the voices of these people waft off and reach somewhere else. The fallen seeds take root at new places.
　たんぽぽのように、日常に深く根を張り、種をつけた綿毛が風に乗って飛んでいく。それがどこかで、新たに根を張る。

On May 15, the Abe administration will take a step toward allowing Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense. Probably, many pieces of fluff will swirl up into the air again.
　きょう、集団的自衛権の行使容認に向け、安倍政権が一歩を踏み出す。また多くの綿毛が、空に舞いゆくことだろう。

Society is changing, deeply, quietly and calmly.
　社会は変わっている。
　深く、静かに、緩やかに。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 15

路上の民主主義―自ら考え動き出す人たち

May 15, 2014
EDITORIAL: Citizens taking a stand to protect democracy in Japan
路上の民主主義―自ら考え動き出す人たち

The triple disaster that befell Japan in 2011 was the catalyst for profound reflection among citizens and calls for

fundamental changes in our society.
The Great East Japan Earthquake generated towering tsunami that triggered meltdowns at the Fukushima No. 1

nuclear power plant and plunged the nation into a state of shock. Some people likened the catastrophe to a “second

defeat in war.” Many Japanese took it upon themselves to try to engineer change in society.
　変わらなければ。
　変えなければ。
　東日本大震災と東京電力福島第一原発事故を経験した２０１１年。「第二の敗戦」といった言葉も飛び交うなか、日本社会は深い

自省と、根源的な変革を求める空気に満ちていた。

One visible manifestation of the reflective mood was a massive rally calling for an end to Japan’s reliance on nuclear

power generation. It was held in Tokyo about six months after the calamity. An estimated 60,000 people attended the

“Sayonara Genpatsu” (Good-bye to nuclear power generation) rally, according to the event’s organizers.
　それを目に見える形で示したのが、震災から約半年後に東京で開かれた「さようなら原発」集会だ。主催者発表で６万人が参加。

In his address to the rally, Kenzaburo Oe, a Nobel laureate writer, stressed the importance of the gathering and

demonstrations in general as a means for citizens to express their views. “What can we do? All we have are such

rallies driven by the democratic spirit and demonstrations by citizens,” he said. Nearly three years have passed since

then.
ノーベル賞作家・大江健三郎さんは訴えた。「何ができるか。私らにはこの民主主義の集会、市民のデモしかない」
　あれから３年近くが経った。

ABE SOWS SEEDS
■首相がまく種

During this time, the Liberal Democratic Party returned to power. The LDP-led government has sought to restart idled

nuclear reactors and revived the old-style policy of spending on massive public works projects.
　自民党が政権に戻り、原発再稼働が推進され、大型公共事業が復活する。

The grim realization has dawned on many Japanese that they have failed to bring about change.
　何も変えられなかった。

Some people have become disillusioned. Others have lost heart or simply grown weary.

　冷めた人。折れた人。疲れた人。

There is no denying that the bitter sense of resignation that set in among the people, coupled with their deep

disappointment at the performance of the previous government led by the Democratic Party of Japan, has provided

much political capital for the Abe administration.
民主党政権への深い失望と相まって膨らんだ諦念（ていねん）が、安倍政権の政治的原資となってきたことは否めない。

A pillar of democracy is a belief in the need to have constructive, in-depth exchanges with people of opposing

opinions.
　反対意見に向き合い、議論を深める。民主制の根幹だ。

But Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appears to believe quite the opposite. He seems to think that as the nation’s top

leader, chosen through elections, he can have his own way and would be wasting his time listening to others'

opinions.
しかし首相はどうやら、選挙で選ばれた、最高責任者の自分がやりたいようにやるのが政治で、反対意見なんか聞くだけ無駄だと考えて

いるようだ。

This, then, explains the Abe administration's outrageous decision to seek an effective elimination of constitutional

restrictions on Japan’s use of armed force through nothing more than a Cabinet decision.
　憲法の縛りさえ、閣議決定で「ない」ことにしてしまおうという粗雑さ。

The Diet, which is dominated by the ruling parties, has been showing increasing signs of acting as a rubber stamp

body in the face of the administration’s strong-arm approach to policymaking.
これに対し、与党が圧倒的議席をもつ国会は、単なる追認機関と化しつつある。

Are ruling party leaders aware that the prime minister’s heavy-handed tactics for pursuing his political agenda and

the pitifully tame Diet are spawning and fostering a new breed of political actors who think and act on their own?
The question is whether this situation is fortunate or unfortunate for this nation’s negligent politicians.
　気づいているだろうか。
　首相の強権的な政治手法とふがいない国会のありようが、自ら思考し、行動する政治的な主体を新たに生み、育てていることに。怠

慢なこの国の政治家にとっては、幸か、不幸か。

MAKING THEIR VOICES HEARD
■声を響かせる

The English phrase “Fight the power” is the principal slogan adopted for a student demonstration staged in Tokyo’s

Shinjuku district on May 3, Constitution Day, against the newly enacted state secrets protection law.
The slogan is “a little too radical, but probably OK because it is in English,” said one of the student organizers.
　「『Ｆｉｇｈｔ　ｔｈｅ　ｐｏｗｅｒ』、これは権力と闘えって意味で、ちょっと過激なんすけど、まあ英語だから大丈夫かなと」

The 400 or so participants practiced chanting in chorus in a park where they gathered before taking to the streets.

They took part in the demonstration as individuals, not as members of any organization, in response to calls on the

Internet or invitations by friends to turn up for the rally.
　憲法記念日に東京・新宿で行われた「特定秘密保護法に反対する学生デモ」。集合場所の公園で約４００人が声を合わせ、コール

の練習を始めた。都内の大学生らが主催した、党派によらない個人参加のデモ。ネットや友人関係を通じて集まった。

As they started marching on the streets, led by a car equipped with a loudspeaker beating out a rhythm with heavy

bass sounds, the demonstrators kept chanting, “No to the state secrets protection law” and “Protect the Constitution.”

These rather stiff phrases, chanted in a rhythmic pace, echoed across Shinjuku.
　出発。重低音のリズムを刻むサウンドカーを先頭に、繰り返される「特定秘密保護法反対」「憲法守れ」。堅苦しい言葉がうまくリズム

に乗っかって、新宿の街にあふれ出していく。

Participating students took the microphone in turns.
　大学生たちがマイクを握る。

“I feel happy about being born in Japan, where we can live freely in ways we like,” said one student. “But the state

secrets protection law was rammed through the Diet in the face of opposition. As I was concerned that the Japan I

love so much could be destroyed if nothing was done, I felt compelled to act.”
　「自分らしく、自由に生きられる日本に生まれたことを幸せに思っています。でも、特定秘密保護法が反対を押し切って成立した。この

ままじゃ大好きな日本が壊れちゃうかもしれないって思ったら、動かずにはいられませんでした」

“I’m not ashamed of expressing my will to protect my freedom and rights,” said another. “And I believe in making

‘constant efforts’ to do so.”
　「私は、私の自由と権利を守るために意思表示することを恥じません。そしてそのことこそが、私の『不断の努力』であることを信じます」

They all spoke clearly in their own words and from their hearts.
　私。僕。俺。借り物でない、主語が明確な言葉がつながる。

Do they want to change their society? It would seem they are more interested in protecting their society.
　社会を変えたい？
　いや、伝わってくるのはむしろ、「守りたい」だ。

The way the controversial bill was railroaded through the Diet raised many doubts and questions in their minds.
　強引な秘密法の採決に際し、胸の内に膨らんだ疑問。

They asked themselves what democracy really means. One tentative answer they came up with is that it means they

need to keep thinking on their own without any fear of making mistakes and continuing to voice their doubts and

questions if they think that something is wrong.
　民主主義ってなんだ？
　手繰り寄せた、当座の答え。
　間違ってもいいから、自分の頭で考え続けること。おかしいと思ったら、声をあげること。

That is why they took to the streets and made their voices heard.
　だから路上に繰り出し、響かせる。自分たちの声を。

“Tell me what democracy looks like?” one student shouted. “This is what democracy looks like!” responded the others.
　「Ｔｅｌｌ　ｍｅ　ｗｈａｔ　ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ　ｌｏｏｋｓ　ｌｉｋｅ？（民主主義ってどんなの？）」のコール。
　「Ｔｈｉｓ　ｉｓ　ｗｈａｔ　ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ　ｌｏｏｋｓ　ｌｉｋｅ！（これが民主主義だ！）」のレスポンス。

One scholar argues that, in a period of upheavals when people find it difficult to envision a bright future, they tend to

cling to something by engaging in physical activities.
　ある学者は言う。頭で考えても見通しをもてない動乱期には、人は身体を動かして何かをつかもうとするんです――。

The students are well aware of the harsh reality. They know society doesn’t change easily. But they also know they

don’t have to give up. They are more focused on continuing, rather than winning their battle.
　彼らは極めて自覚的だ。社会はそう簡単には変わらない。でも諦める必要はない。志向するのは「闘い」に「勝つ」ことよりも、闘い「続

ける」ことだ。

CHANGE IS HAPPENING
■深く、緩やかに

Anti-nuclear demonstrators held their 100th rally in front of the prime minister’s office in Tokyo on the first Friday of

May.
　５月最初の金曜日に１００回目を迎えた、首相官邸前デモ。

The number of participants has fallen, and the enthusiasm of the regular event has waned. Instead, it has become

part of the everyday lives of people still taking part in the event.
　数は減り、熱気は失せ、そのぶんすっかり日常化している。

There are couples sitting on the lawn and eating rice balls and groups singing songs. They enjoy spending time in

their own ways in areas around the prime minister’s office, which are “opened to the public.”
植え込みに座って、おにぎりを食べるカップル。歌をうたうグループ。「開放」された官邸周辺を思い思いに楽しんでいる。

Demonstrators have stuck to some basic principles, including keeping their acts peaceful, focusing on core messages

and participation as individuals. Without the experiences accumulated through regular, uneventful anti-nuke rallies in

front of the prime minister’s office and the wise strategies developed for this new type of demonstrations, there might

not have been the waves of people protesting against the state secrets protection law in front of the Diet last

December or the recent student rally in Shinjuku.
　非暴力。訴えを絞る。個人参加。官邸前で積み上げられた日常と、新しいデモの「知恵」がなければ、昨年１２月に秘密法に反対す

る人々が国会前に押し寄せることも、学生たちのデモも、なかったかもしれない。

“Its strong roots are not visible/ But they are there even though they are invisible/ Invisible things exist,” Misuzu

Kaneko says in her book, “Hoshi to tanpopo” (The star and the dandelion).
　つよいその根は眼にみえぬ。
　見えぬけれどもあるんだよ、
　見えぬものでもあるんだよ。
　（金子みすゞ「星とたんぽぽ」）

Like dandelions, these civic movements have deep roots in people’s daily lives. Like pieces of dandelion fluff, the

voices of these people waft off and reach somewhere else. The fallen seeds take root at new places.
　たんぽぽのように、日常に深く根を張り、種をつけた綿毛が風に乗って飛んでいく。それがどこかで、新たに根を張る。

On May 15, the Abe administration will take a step toward allowing Japan to exercise its right to collective self-

defense. Probably, many pieces of fluff will swirl up into the air again.
　きょう、集団的自衛権の行使容認に向け、安倍政権が一歩を踏み出す。また多くの綿毛が、空に舞いゆくことだろう。

Society is changing, deeply, quietly and calmly.
　社会は変わっている。
　深く、静かに、緩やかに。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 15

ＮＰＴ会議―中国も核軍縮に加われ

May 14, 2014
EDITORIAL: China must not be allowed to put NPT regime at risk
ＮＰＴ会議―中国も核軍縮に加われ

The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) requires the world’s nuclear states to strive in earnest for nuclear disarmament. Unless this requirement is fulfilled, the treaty itself, which prohibits non-nuclear countries from possessing nuclear weapons, could collapse. When that happens, the world will be a dangerous place for all countries, irrespective of whether they have nuclear capabilities.
　核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）は核保有国に、軍縮への誠実な取り組みを義務づけている。その義務が果たされないと、他の国の核保有を禁じるＮＰＴ体制は崩れかねない。そんな世界は非核国だけでなく、核保有国さえも危うくする。

Yet, the attitude of the nuclear states makes us doubt that they have any serious interest in averting that sort of global crisis.
　にもかかわらず、核保有国の態度を見ていると、そうした世界の危機を本気で回避しようとしているのか、疑わしくなる。

The third session in New York of the Preparatory Committee for the 2015 Review Conference of the Parties to the NPT closed on May 9 with no results to speak of. The committee failed to narrow the gap between non-nuclear countries and the five NTP-approved nuclear states--the United States, Russia, Britain, France and China.
　来年のＮＰＴ再検討会議に向けた準備委員会は、めぼしい成果がないまま閉幕した。核軍縮の進め方をめぐり、ＮＰＴで核保有を認められている米ロ英仏中の５カ国と、非核保有国の溝が埋まらなかった。

Based on an agreement reached at the last NPT Review Conference in 2010, the five nuclear states issued written reports for the first time on disarmament trends. The United States, Britain and France stressed that their nuclear capabilities are now way below the levels they were during the Cold War era. But none of them indicated a road map for ending their reliance on nuclear weapons.
　４年前の前回再検討会議での合意に基づき、５カ国は初めて、軍縮の動向を文書で報告した。米英仏は冷戦期より大幅に減らしたと強調したが、各国とも核依存から方向転換する道筋は示さなかった。

China and Russia did not even disclose the numbers of nuclear warheads in their possession.
中国とロシアは核弾頭の保有数すら明らかにしなかった。

The outcome could not have been more disappointing. The nuclear states ought to reawaken to their grave responsibilities.
　あまりに不十分な内容というしかない。重い責任を改めて自覚すべきである。

Our only hope now lies with U.S. President Barack Obama, who has called for a world free of nuclear weapons despite the fact that his country is the world’s most powerful nuclear state.
　期待したいのは、最強の保有国でありながら、「核なき世界」を掲げるオバマ大統領だ。

A U.S. representative who delivered a speech at the session showed an understanding of the inhumanity of nuclear weapons for the first time. This was a notable change, even though the United States does not support the Nuclear Weapons Convention proposed by non-nuclear nations.
　準備委で演説した米国代表は、核の非人道性に初めて理解を示した。多くの非核国が求める禁止条約まで支持してはいないが、注目すべき変化である。

The third Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons will be held in Vienna in December. As an ally of the United States and the only country that has been attacked with nuclear weapons, Japan should urge the United States to participate in this conference.
　今年１２月、非人道性を議題とする３回目の国際会議がウィーンで開かれる。被爆国であり、同盟国でもある日本から、米国に参加を働きかけてはどうか。

Last July, Obama called for negotiated arms reduction with Russia, proposing to further reduce their agreed-upon strategic nuclear weapons capabilities by one-third to around 1,000 warheads. But U.S.-Russia relations have since deteriorated over the Ukraine crisis and other issues, leaving the talks schedule up in the air.
　オバマ大統領は昨年６月、戦略核を現行の米ロ条約の水準からさらに３分の１減らし、１千発程度にする交渉を提案した。ただ、ウクライナ問題などでロシアとの関係は冷え込み、交渉開始のめどは立たない。

Since the United States far outpowers Russia in conventional weapons, it should still be able to maintain its deterrence power even if it reduces its strategic nuclear weapons. This is actually what we would like the United States to do voluntarily, and then urge Russia to follow suit. And for Russia, which is having problems with its aging nuclear system, this would not be a bad deal.
　通常戦力で圧倒する米国が先に戦略核をもっと削減しても、抑止力は維持できるだろう。米国が自主的に減らし、ロシアに同調を促してはどうか。核システムの老朽化に悩むロシアにも、悪い取引ではないはずだ。

China, which refuses to disclose its nuclear capabilities, could pose a risk to the maintenance of the NPT regime in the days ahead. But if the United States and Russia forge ahead with further nuclear disarmament at Obama’s initiative, China will become increasingly unable to have its way.
　核戦力の実態を明らかにしない中国が今後、ＮＰＴ体制を維持していくうえで、リスク要因になる恐れもある。オバマ政権の主導で米ロがいっそうの軍縮に踏み込めば、中国の自分勝手はますます通用しなくなる。

The time has come for Obama to strongly urge China to stop making empty promises and take action for disarmament.
口では軍縮努力を繰り返す中国に、行動で示すよう強く求める時期にきている。

Obama’s approval ratings are not getting any better at home. But he must stand his ground if he really intends to establish a solid path toward a nuclear-free world.
　オバマ大統領の支持率は低迷しているが、核ゼロへの流れを確かなものにするには、今が正念場である。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 14

ＮＰＴ会議―中国も核軍縮に加われ

May 14, 2014
EDITORIAL: China must not be allowed to put NPT regime at risk
ＮＰＴ会議―中国も核軍縮に加われ

The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) requires the world’s nuclear states to strive in earnest

for nuclear disarmament. Unless this requirement is fulfilled, the treaty itself, which prohibits non-nuclear countries

from possessing nuclear weapons, could collapse. When that happens, the world will be a dangerous place for all

countries, irrespective of whether they have nuclear capabilities.
　核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）は核保有国に、軍縮への誠実な取り組みを義務づけている。その義務が果たされないと、他の国の核保有を

禁じるＮＰＴ体制は崩れかねない。そんな世界は非核国だけでなく、核保有国さえも危うくする。

Yet, the attitude of the nuclear states makes us doubt that they have any serious interest in averting that sort of

global crisis.
　にもかかわらず、核保有国の態度を見ていると、そうした世界の危機を本気で回避しようとしているのか、疑わしくなる。

The third session in New York of the Preparatory Committee for the 2015 Review Conference of the Parties to the NPT

closed on May 9 with no results to speak of. The committee failed to narrow the gap between non-nuclear countries

and the five NTP-approved nuclear states--the United States, Russia, Britain, France and China.
　来年のＮＰＴ再検討会議に向けた準備委員会は、めぼしい成果がないまま閉幕した。核軍縮の進め方をめぐり、ＮＰＴで核保有を認

められている米ロ英仏中の５カ国と、非核保有国の溝が埋まらなかった。

Based on an agreement reached at the last NPT Review Conference in 2010, the five nuclear states issued written

reports for the first time on disarmament trends. The United States, Britain and France stressed that their nuclear

capabilities are now way below the levels they were during the Cold War era. But none of them indicated a road map

for ending their reliance on nuclear weapons.
　４年前の前回再検討会議での合意に基づき、５カ国は初めて、軍縮の動向を文書で報告した。米英仏は冷戦期より大幅に減らし

たと強調したが、各国とも核依存から方向転換する道筋は示さなかった。

China and Russia did not even disclose the numbers of nuclear warheads in their possession.
中国とロシアは核弾頭の保有数すら明らかにしなかった。

The outcome could not have been more disappointing. The nuclear states ought to reawaken to their grave

responsibilities.
　あまりに不十分な内容というしかない。重い責任を改めて自覚すべきである。

Our only hope now lies with U.S. President Barack Obama, who has called for a world free of nuclear weapons

despite the fact that his country is the world’s most powerful nuclear state.
　期待したいのは、最強の保有国でありながら、「核なき世界」を掲げるオバマ大統領だ。

A U.S. representative who delivered a speech at the session showed an understanding of the inhumanity of nuclear

weapons for the first time. This was a notable change, even though the United States does not support the Nuclear

Weapons Convention proposed by non-nuclear nations.
　準備委で演説した米国代表は、核の非人道性に初めて理解を示した。多くの非核国が求める禁止条約まで支持してはいないが、

注目すべき変化である。

The third Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons will be held in Vienna in December. As an ally

of the United States and the only country that has been attacked with nuclear weapons, Japan should urge the

United States to participate in this conference.
　今年１２月、非人道性を議題とする３回目の国際会議がウィーンで開かれる。被爆国であり、同盟国でもある日本から、米国に参加

を働きかけてはどうか。

Last July, Obama called for negotiated arms reduction with Russia, proposing to further reduce their agreed-upon

strategic nuclear weapons capabilities by one-third to around 1,000 warheads. But U.S.-Russia relations have since

deteriorated over the Ukraine crisis and other issues, leaving the talks schedule up in the air.
　オバマ大統領は昨年６月、戦略核を現行の米ロ条約の水準からさらに３分の１減らし、１千発程度にする交渉を提案した。ただ、ウク

ライナ問題などでロシアとの関係は冷え込み、交渉開始のめどは立たない。

Since the United States far outpowers Russia in conventional weapons, it should still be able to maintain its

deterrence power even if it reduces its strategic nuclear weapons. This is actually what we would like the United

States to do voluntarily, and then urge Russia to follow suit. And for Russia, which is having problems with its aging

nuclear system, this would not be a bad deal.
　通常戦力で圧倒する米国が先に戦略核をもっと削減しても、抑止力は維持できるだろう。米国が自主的に減らし、ロシアに同調を促

してはどうか。核システムの老朽化に悩むロシアにも、悪い取引ではないはずだ。

China, which refuses to disclose its nuclear capabilities, could pose a risk to the maintenance of the NPT regime in the

days ahead. But if the United States and Russia forge ahead with further nuclear disarmament at Obama’s initiative,

China will become increasingly unable to have its way.
　核戦力の実態を明らかにしない中国が今後、ＮＰＴ体制を維持していくうえで、リスク要因になる恐れもある。オバマ政権の主導で米

ロがいっそうの軍縮に踏み込めば、中国の自分勝手はますます通用しなくなる。

The time has come for Obama to strongly urge China to stop making empty promises and take action for

disarmament.
口では軍縮努力を繰り返す中国に、行動で示すよう強く求める時期にきている。

Obama’s approval ratings are not getting any better at home. But he must stand his ground if he really intends to

establish a solid path toward a nuclear-free world.
　オバマ大統領の支持率は低迷しているが、核ゼロへの流れを確かなものにするには、今が正念場である。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 14

（社説）銀輪都市東京 「クルマ脳」を改める

May 13, 2014
EDITORIAL: Tokyo given great opportunity to become more bicycle-friendly
（社説）銀輪都市東京　「クルマ脳」を改める

The bicycle is the most useful tool for making society less dependent on cars.
　自転車は脱クルマの切り札である。

Children, adults and elderly people can use bicycles to improve mobility. Bicycles help to reduce greenhouse gas emissions that cause global warming and offer an effective way to get around when public transportation is disrupted by earthquakes and other natural disasters.
子どもから高齢者までみんなが乗れる。温暖化や帰宅困難者の対策になり、健康にも良い。

Cycling is also good for the health.

Given the aging of the nation’s driving population, the use of bicycles should be promoted as a safer alternative to automobiles.
ドライバーの高齢化を考えても、車から自転車への乗りかえを進めた方が安心だ。

Tokyo Governor Yoichi Masuzoe has pledged to reduce the daily flow of cars into central Tokyo as part of the metropolitan government’s efforts to prepare the city for the 2020 Summer Olympics. Masuzoe has also promised to make the capital a more bicycle-friendly city.
　２０２０年東京五輪に向け、都心に流れ込む車を減らす。自転車で動きやすい街にする。舛添要一知事はそう掲げる。

London was also said to be lagging behind many other major cities around the world in terms of cycle-friendliness. However, London established many bicycle lanes, using the opportunity offered by hosting the 2012 Olympics.
　ロンドンも遅れていると言われていたが、五輪を機に自転車レーン整備が急速に進んだ。

Tokyo also has a great opportunity to promote bicycle transportation in the six years until the 2020 sports event. The Japanese capital should lead other local governments by making the shift from cars to bicycles.
　東京もこの６年が好機だ。首都から自転車シフトを進めて、全国に広げたい。

The big challenge is taking effective measures to reduce accidents involving bicycles.
　それには事故対策が重要だ。

Roads in Japan are much safer today than during the period of rapid economic growth, when the term “traffic war” was used to describe the dangers on the streets. But the percentage of pedestrians and cyclists in all traffic fatalities in Japan remains far higher than the ratios in other industrialized nations.
　交通戦争と呼ばれた高度成長期を思えば、日本の道路はずいぶん安全になった。それでも他の先進国に比べると、事故の死者に占める歩行者と自転車の割合は突出して高い。

Also alarming is that accidents between cyclists and pedestrians have increased by 14 percent over the past decade in Japan, while the number of all traffic accidents has declined by one-third.
　自転車対歩行者の事故の増加も気になる。交通事故全体が１０年前の３分の２に減るなかで１４％増えている。

In some lawsuits, cyclists have been ordered to pay tens of millions of yen in damages for causing accidents that have killed or seriously injured pedestrians.
死亡や障害を負わせる事故を起こして数千万円の賠償判決を受けた例もある。

The law requires cyclists to ride close to the left side of the road, in principle. But many cyclists still use sidewalks, mainly to avoid the terror of riding on roadways with honking cars speeding past.
　自転車は原則として車道の左側を、と法に明記されていても歩道走行はなかなか無くならない。自転車のすぐ横を車が警笛を鳴らして走り去る。そんな車道には怖くて下りにくい。

The environment for cycling on streets should be improved significantly, with priority placed on the safety of vulnerable road users.
　まず、自転車が車道を安全に走れる環境を整えよう。何より「弱者優先」の徹底が大切だ。

Many people tend to think that bicycle lanes will never gain ground in Japan because the roads are generally narrower.
　日本は道幅が狭いから自転車レーンが広がらない。

“That’s a typical way of thinking that reflects the deep-rooted car-first mentality among people steeped in a car-oriented culture,” says Shigeki Kobayashi, who heads a nonprofit organization devoted to promoting the use of bicycles. “Why would you give the priority to cars in the allocation of space on narrow roads?”
そう考えがちだが、自転車活用を推進するＮＰＯの小林成基理事長は言う。「それは車優先の染みついたクルマ脳の発想です。なんで道幅が狭くても車の取り分から先に考えるんですか？」

We need to reconsider the priorities of road use. Pedestrians should come first, followed by public transportation vehicles and bicycles. Private cars should be last on the priority list.
　まず歩く人。次に公共交通と自転車。最後に私有車。道路を使う優先順位を見直そう。

One effective way to make motorists recognize the principle that cyclists should ride on roads is to create specially painted bicycle-only lanes.
　自転車は、車道を走るもの。ドライバーにそう認識させるために効果的なのは、車道上に色を塗って自転車の通り道を示すことだ。

An experiment conducted in Tokyo by the transport ministry and other organizations showed that bike lanes sharply reduce the number of cyclists riding on sidewalks. Still, many cyclists are afraid to use roadways even with lanes designated for bicycles.
国土交通省などが都内で試みた実験では、歩道走行は大きく減った。
　それでもやはり車道は怖い。そう思う人も多いだろう。

It is important to note that most accidents between bicycles and cars occur at intersections.
　ただ、自転車と車の事故の大半は交差点で起きている。

Cyclists who enter intersections on the road are more clearly visible to drivers than cyclists who suddenly dart into intersections from sidewalks.
歩道から突然交差点に出るより、初めから車道を走る方が、車から見えるから安全と言われる。

Stricter speed limits should be imposed on streets in central parts of Tokyo. Businesses and shopping districts should be required to offer more bicycle parking spaces so that footpaths are not clogged with illegally parked bikes.
　中心市街地は車の速度制限をもっと厳しくすべきだし、違法駐輪で歩道をふさがないよう企業や商店街に駐輪場を増やすべきだ。

And cyclists must never forget the principle that pedestrians have the right of way.
自転車に乗る人も歩行者優先を忘れてはならない。

We hope the Tokyo Olympics will catalyze a radical change of the car-oriented transport culture in this nation.
　強い者勝ちの街を変えるきっかけに五輪がなればいい。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 12

原発と火山―噴火の脅威を直視せよ

May 12, 2014
EDITORIAL: Threat posed by volcanic eruptions to nuclear plants must be carefully examined
原発と火山―噴火の脅威を直視せよ

Now is the time to rethink the risk of operating nuclear power plants in Japan, which is one of the most volcanically active countries in the world.
　日本は世界有数の火山国である。そこに原発を抱えるリスクを、改めて熟考すべきときだ。

Kyushu Electric Power Co. is currently aiming to restart the operations of idled reactors in its Sendai nuclear power plant in Kagoshima Prefecture. However, in the Nuclear Regulation Authority's inspection process on whether to permit the restarts, the possible consequences of volcanic eruptions in surrounding areas is attracting attention.
　九州電力が再稼働をめざす川内（せんだい）原発（鹿児島県）の審査で、周辺火山の噴火の影響がクローズアップされている。

Based on the new safety standards worked out in 2013, the NRA is examining the threat posed by eruptions and the effectiveness of measures to deal with them. To tell the truth, it is the first time that Japan has seriously evaluated the safety of nuclear power plants from the standpoint of the danger posed by volcanoes.
　昨年できた新規制基準に基づき、原子力規制委員会が噴火の影響や対策の有効性を検討している。原発の安全性を火山との関係で本格的にチェックするのは、実はこれが初めてだ。

In the March 2011 accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, people in charge had to reflect on the insufficient measures to deal with tsunami. However, disasters at nuclear power plants could be caused not only by tsunami but also by volcanic eruptions and even terrorists. Given the seriousness of disasters caused by these factors, it is a matter of course to think seriously about the risks posed by them, which have been made light of so far.
　福島第一原発の事故で、津波対策の遅れが大きな反省材料になった。津波に限ったことではない。事故の深刻さを踏まえれば、噴火やテロなど従来軽視されてきたリスクも真剣に考えるのは当然である。

The new safety standards require electric power companies to consider possible influences from volcanoes located within a radius of 160 kilometers from nuclear power plants. Therefore, Kyushu Electric examined the effects of eruptions from 39 volcanoes. As a result, it concluded that it is sufficient to take measures based on the assumption that ash from Sakurajima volcano in Kagoshima Prefecture would accumulate in the compound of the Sendai nuclear power plant to a height of up to 15 centimeters.
　新基準は１６０キロ以内の火山の検討を求めており、九電は３９の火山の影響を評価した。その結果、桜島の火山灰が敷地に最大１５センチ積もる想定で対策をとれば十分とした。

As one of the measures, the utility will stockpile fuel for emergency generators in preparation for a situation in which power transmission lines were severed due to the weight of volcanic ash. Another measure is that it will clean filters for air ventilation equipment or emergency generators or replace the filters with new ones if they become clogged.
火山灰の重みで送電線が切れた時に備えて非常用発電機の燃料を備蓄したり、換気設備や非常用発電機のフィルターの目詰まりに掃除や交換で対処したりするという。

However, will those measures really work given the possibility that accumulation of volcanic ash to a height of only several millimeters will seriously impede workers and vehicles? If the intake of water to cool nuclear reactors is also impeded, the reactors will be immediately plunged into dangerous situations.
　しかし、数ミリの降灰で人や物の移動が難しくなる恐れが指摘される。対策は実際に機能するだろうか。原子炉を冷やす水の取り込みに支障が出れば、たちまち原発は危険な状態に陥る。

The influences from these mid-scale eruptions must be fully examined as realistic threats.
　こうした中規模の噴火の影響は、現実的な脅威として十分に検討されなければならない。

It is more difficult to assess risks from catastrophic eruptions whose frequency of occurrence is low.
　頻度が低い破局的噴火のリスクは、判断がさらに難しい。

In those eruptions, the pyroclastic flow, which consists of hot gas and rock, travels more than 100 kilometers, causing devastating damage in surrounding areas. In the areas around the Sendai nuclear power plant, there are several calderas, or bowl-shaped depressions, that were formed by the collapse of land caused by catastrophic eruptions.
　高温の火山噴出物が火山ガスと一体となって広がる火砕流が半径１００キロ以上も流れ、破滅的な被害を出す。川内原発の周辺には破局的噴火で山が陥没したカルデラ地形が複数ある。

Kyushu Electric assessed that, given those calderas, catastrophic eruptions have occurred at an interval of about 60,000 to 90,000 years. Based on the assessment, it says, “Not much time has passed since the latest catastrophic eruption occurred. Therefore, the possibility is extremely low that the next catastrophic eruption will take place within the coming several decades when the nuclear power plant is operating. There will be no problems if we continuously monitor the signs of eruptions.”
　九電は、カルデラをまとめて破局的噴火が約６万～９万年間隔で起こっていると評価。「最新の破局的噴火からあまり時間がたっていないので、原発が運用される数十年のうちに次の破局的噴火に見舞われる可能性は十分低い。予兆を継続的に監視すれば大丈夫」と主張する。

However, some experts offer contrasting views, saying that forecasts of the intervals of eruptions are not reliable and that it is uncertain whether the signs of an eruption can really be foretold.
　これに対し火山学者らは「こうした噴火間隔の推測には疑問がある」「予兆が観測できるか分からない」と反論する。

Nuclear power plants are not the only facilities that would suffer devastating damage from catastrophic eruptions. If those nuclear plants are destroyed, however, radioactive materials will continue to be scattered throughout the world. It is a challenge not only for the Sendai nuclear power plant but also for many other nuclear power plants in Japan.
　破局的噴火で壊滅的打撃を受けるのは原発だけではない。だが、原発が破壊されれば放射性物質は世界にまき散らされ続ける。川内に限らず、日本の多くの原発に共通する難題だ。

Methods to assess the possible impact of eruptions have yet to be established in the world. The NRA bears responsibility for conveying the potential consequences, including the limits of human knowledge as to forecasting eruptions, to the public in an easy-to-understand manner.
　噴火の影響評価手法は世界的にも確立していない。規制委には火山噴火をめぐる人知の限界も含めて、国民にわかりやすく説明する責任がある。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 11

タイ首相失職 混乱を助長する憲法裁の判断

The Yomiuri Shimbun 8:55 pm, May 09, 2014
Ouster of Yingluck does nothing to open path out of Thailand’s chaos
タイ首相失職　混乱を助長する憲法裁の判断

Thailand’s prime minister has been driven from her post. And no hint of a path out of the chaos of Thailand’s drawn-out political turmoil has yet emerged.
　タイの首相が失職に追い込まれた。長引く政治の混迷を脱する道筋は全く見えない。

The Southeast Asian country’s Constitutional Court handed down a verdict Wednesday finding that Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra had intervened illegally in personnel affairs involving the head of the secretariat of the National Security Council in 2011, in order to promote a relative to the position of chief of the Royal Thai Police, and that her behavior was unconstitutional.
　タイの憲法裁判所は７日、インラック首相が、親族を国家警察長官に登用するために、国家安全保障会議事務局長の人事に不当に介入したことが、憲法違反にあたるとする判決を言い渡した。

Because of the highest court’s ruling, Yingluck has been stripped of her office. Nine members of her Cabinet who were in office at the time of the personnel affairs issue were ordered by the court to step down. Deputy Prime Minister Niwatthamrong Boonsongpaisan, one of the remaining 24 ministers, has been appointed acting prime minister.
　これによって、インラック氏は失職した。人事の閣議決定に加わった閣僚９人も失職し、残った２４閣僚のうち、ニワットタムロン副首相が首相代行に決まった。

The House of Representatives, the lower chamber of the Thai National Assembly, has remained dissolved after the results of a February general election were pronounced null and void by the Constitutional Court. In the absence of both a prime minister and a functioning lower house, Thailand as a state is in a critical situation.
　タイの下院は、２月に行われた総選挙が、憲法裁によって「無効」と判断されたために、解散したままになっている。首相も下院議員も不在という、国家として危機的な状況である。

In Thailand, forces supporting former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, Yingluck’s elder brother, have been locked in fierce rivalry with those who oppose him.
　タイでは、インラック氏の兄であるタクシン元首相を支持する勢力と、それに反対する勢力が激しく対立している。

The pro-Thaksin camp, which draws its support mainly from the poor and from farmers in populous rural areas, has won every general election in recent years. The anti-Thaksin bloc has a larger share of bureaucrats and other empowered elites, as well as support from the urban middle class.
　タクシン派は、人口の多い貧困層や農民を基盤とし、近年の総選挙では連勝中だ。反タクシン派には、官僚など実権を握るエリート層や都市中間層が多い。

Groups opposing Thaksin have staged repeated and vehement anti-government demonstrations since last year, with the aim of toppling the Yingluck administration.
　反タクシン派は昨年来、インラック政権打倒を目指し、激しいデモを繰り返してきた。

Economy badly damaged

This most recent case was brought before the Constitutional Court by a group including members of the upper house of the Thai parliament, where the anti-Thaksin bloc holds great sway. There can be no doubt that the anti-Thaksin forces, facing no chance of winning an electoral victory, have resorted to judicial tactics to force the prime minister from office.
　今回の裁判は、反タクシン派の影響が強い上院の議員らが訴えたものだ。選挙では勝ち目がないとみて、法的な手段によって、首相を辞職に追い込むための戦術だったのは明らかだ。

The Constitutional Court has issued harsh decisions against successive pro-Thaksin administrations. And this latest ruling is clearly in line with the will of anti-Thaksin groups, but it can also be said that this outcome has served only to plunge Thailand deeper into political chaos.
　憲法裁は、これまで、歴代のタクシン派政権に厳しい判決を出してきた。今回の判決も、反タクシン派の求めに沿ったもので、結果的に混迷を深めたと言えよう。

The crux of the problem is that nothing has appeared that might help lead the country toward a resolution of its ongoing imbroglios and impasses.
　問題なのは、事態の打開策が全く見えないことである。

Under the leadership of the acting prime minister, the Cabinet is set to hold a fresh general election, currently scheduled for July 20.
　首相代行の率いる内閣は、７月２０日のやり直し総選挙を予定通り実施する方針だ。

Anti-Thaksin forces are demanding that an interim government be established without an election, and stand poised to continue with anti-government demonstrations, indicating as well that they are likely to repeat in July their boycott of the previous election. There also are fears of violent clashes with the pro-Thaksin forces. Each camp is strongly urged to restrain itself and to avoid becoming mired in violence.
　だが、選挙を経ない暫定政権樹立を訴える反タクシン派は、デモを続ける構えで、再び選挙妨害を行うことも示唆している。タクシン派との衝突も誘発しかねない。各派には自制が求められる。

The prolonged political turmoil has exerted further strain on the Thai economy. The country’s tourism industry is suffering an ongoing slump, and a chill hangs over domestic consumption. One estimate warns that the Thai economy for this year may see negative growth for the first time since 2009. Japanese capital investment, which has helped boost Thailand’s economy, is also under threat.
　混乱の長期化は、経済に一層の悪影響を与えている。観光業は不振で、消費も冷え込み、今年は２００９年以来のマイナス成長になるとの予測もある。成長を支えてきた日系企業の投資の減少につながる可能性も否定できない。

Under the circumstances, the political heft of Thailand, a nation that has played a leading role in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, is bound to shrink further. It is imperative for Thailand to escape this crisis in its political system and return to normality as soon as possible.
　これまで主導的役割を演じてきた東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）内部での政治的発言力も、低下する一方だろう。一刻も早い政治の正常化が必要だ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 9, 2014)

ＮＨＫ会長―これで信頼保てるのか

May 08, 2014
EDITORIAL: Momii’s behavior undermining NHK’s credibility
ＮＨＫ会長―これで信頼保てるのか

As a public and nonprofit entity, Japan Broadcasting Corp. (NHK) should operate solely for the well-being of the public and outside the realm of government control. That is why NHK’s operations are financed by viewing fees paid by the public.
　営利を目的とせず、国家の統制から自立して、公共の福祉のために放送事業を行う。だから視聴者が、受信料を払って支える。公共放送のＮＨＫとは、そんな存在である。

The job of the president is to supervise and manage its operations. But the current president, Katsuto Momii, has been behaving in a way that raises serious questions about NHK’s credibility.
　その業務を統括して管理するのが会長である。なのに、会長自身が、公共放送の信頼に関わる言動を続けている。

Momii triggered renewed controversy April 30 during a meeting of the NHK Executive Board, which he used to criticize a news program on the concerns of elderly citizens over the April 1 rise in the consumption tax rate.
“It is not news if you only say that a tax hike caused anxiety,” he said, arguing that the program should also refer to discussions among policymakers on measures to ease the added financial burden on low-income earners.
　４月３０日の理事会でのこと。籾井勝人会長が、消費増税に不安を抱える人を取材したニュース番組について、「困ったというだけではニュースにならない」といった趣旨の発言をし、同じ番組の中で、低所得者への負担軽減策の議論も取り上げるべきだと主張した。

Efforts by the media to present different views about issues in their reports should be welcomed. The Broadcast Law stipulates that programs aired by NHK or any other broadcasters should be “politically fair.” The law also says that when dealing with contentious issues, broadcasters should try to “clarify disputed points from as many different angles as possible.”
　報道の際、異なる見方を紹介するのは歓迎すべきことだ。放送法も、ＮＨＫに限らず放送番組は「政治的に公平であること」「意見が対立している問題については、できるだけ多くの角度から論点を明らかにすること」と定めている。

But the widely accepted legal interpretation of these provisions is that whether news coverage of contentious issues is balanced should be judged on the basis of all related programs aired by a broadcaster, not on each single program.
　だが、異論とのバランスは、放送される番組全体で判断するという法解釈が一般的だ。個々の番組だけで考えねばならないということではない。

Even though the board members stressed they are trying hard to report different viewpoints through various programs, Momii would not be convinced.
理事たちが「いろいろな観点を、様々な機会をとらえて報道している」と説明しても会長は納得しなかったという。

As the person responsible for NHK’s programs, its president may sometimes find it necessary to get involved in debate over the content of specific programs.
　責任者として、番組の内容に関する議論に会長が加わることもあるだろう。

In his inaugural news conference in January, however, Momii made remarks that indicated his support of the government’s policies.
だが籾井氏は１月の就任会見で、政府に寄り添うような発言をした。

He later retracted the comments, saying he had expressed his “personal views” in public. He also tried to reassure viewers by promising that NHK’s programs would not be based on his opinions. But he has yet to admit that his ideas are inappropriate, given his position as the top official of a public broadcaster.
「公式の場で個人的な見解を述べた」と撤回し、「私の見解を放送に反映することはない」としたが、公共放送に携わる者として考え違いだったとは認めていない。

Imagine what would happen if such a person started meddling in news programs on the government’s policies. This prospect raises concerns that NHK may not be able to properly perform its journalistic role of monitoring and checking government behavior. This would give rise to suspicions that NHK finds it difficult to broadcast programs that are critical of the government because of concerns about ruffling Momii’s feathers.
　その籾井氏が政策に関わるニュースに注文をつければ、どうなるか。権力を監視するジャーナリズムの役割が十分に果たせるのかといった疑問も浮かぶ。会長の意向を忖度（そんたく）し、政府に批判的な報道がしにくくなるのではないかとの不信感も出てくるだろう。

Momii has also resorted to strong-arm tactics in personnel affairs.
　会長は人事でも、強引な手法を重ねている。

Soon after he took the top job at NHK, he forced all members of the Executive Board to submit undated letters of resignation.
　就任早々、日付のない辞表を理事に提出させた。

In the personnel reshuffle of executive board members in late April, Momii urged two general managing directors, who had just been reappointed in February, to resign for no specific reasons.
４月下旬の理事人事では、２月に再任したばかりの専務理事２人に特段の理由なく辞任を迫った。

When seeking consent for personnel changes from the Board of Governors, the upper-ranked decision-making body, Momii also refrained from disclosing his plan until the last moment on grounds the information could be leaked.
人事案は「情報が漏れる恐れがある」と、意思決定権を持つ経営委員会に直前まで示さず、同意を求めた。

When a governor asked the president to explain his decision for changing the responsibilities of some managing directors, Momii just simply said these were matters that are the “sole prerogative of the president.”
理事の担当替えなどで説明を求めた経営委員には、「会長の専権だ」と応じた。

We cannot help wondering how much consideration he gives to the feelings of people who pay viewing fees to NHK in the belief that a public broadcaster is necessary for the good of society.
　公共放送は必要と期待しながら受信料を払う人たちの思いを、どれほど、くみとっているのだろうか。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 8

（社説）リニア新幹線 早めにブレーキを

May 07, 2014
EDITORIAL: Maglev Shinkansen project not something to be rushed
（社説）リニア新幹線　早めにブレーキを

Central Japan Railway Co. (JR Tokai) on April 23 submitted its final assessment report to the government on the environmental impact of the new maglev bullet train service, scheduled to start in 2027 between Tokyo's Shinagawa and Nagoya.
　品川―名古屋間で２０２７年の開業を目指すリニア中央新幹線の環境影響評価（アセスメント）について、ＪＲ東海が最終段階の評価書を国に提出した。

The report was compiled with unprecedented speed. It was drawn up less than a month after the governors of seven prefectures along the new Chuo Shinkansen Line gave their feedback on JR Tokai's draft report issued last September.
　前段階の準備書に対し、沿線７都県知事の意見を受けてからわずか１カ月足らずという、異例の早さである。

Why the great haste?
　なぜこんなに急ぐのか。

"We did not act in haste," insisted JR Tokai President Koei Tsuge.
Be that as it may, the final report leaves too many questions unanswered.
　柘植康英（つげこうえい）社長は「拙速とは考えていない」と語るが、率直に言って評価書は疑問だらけだ。

For instance, it gives effectively no consideration to the huge volume of displaced dirt that will result from the civil engineering work, other than to perfunctorily note that JR Tokai will "repurpose part of the dirt."
　土木工事で出る膨大な残土の処理法については、「自社で再利用」としたぐらいで、ほとんどゼロ回答だった。

And with regard to concerns voiced by the Shizuoka prefectural government about a possible landslide at the proposed dirt dumping ground, the report dismisses the threat and refuses to accommodate the latter's request for changes in the plan.
「置き場が崩落する恐れ」を懸念した静岡県からの変更要請も、「安全性は十分」と一蹴した。

The report also rejects the Nagano prefectural government's request that the tracks through Oshika village be laid through a tunnel rather than on a bridge for safety reasons.
JR Tokai's reason for rejecting the change was that it would "delay the project's completion and also produce more displaced dirt."
　長野県は安全上の懸念から、大鹿村の橋梁（きょうりょう）部をトンネルに変えるよう求めたが、「工期が延び、残土も増える」と拒んだ。

The report does, however, show some improvement over last year's draft report. For instance, JR Tokai promises further studies on the impact on local wildlife.
Also, for the first time, it came up with estimates of greenhouse gas emission increases at the time the service starts. This should have been discussed in the draft report. Anyway, better late than never.
　一部の野生動物への影響を追加調査するとしたり、名古屋までの開業時点での温室効果ガス排出増加の見通しを初めて出したりと、前進した点もある。だが全体として、準備書で出しておくべき情報が今になって出てきただけ、との感は否めない。

Under Japan's environmental assessment system, local governments are no longer in a position now to formally voice their opinions to JR Tokai. This makes the responsibility that much greater for the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism and the Ministry of Environment, both of which will examine the report. We expect meticulous work from them.
　環境アセスの制度上、自治体が正式に意見を出す機会はもうない。今後、評価書を審査する国土交通省と環境省の責任は重い。厳しい点検を求めたい。

Tsuge said he wants construction to begin as early as this autumn to ensure that operations start on schedule in 2027. Expectation has been voiced that an early start of this service will stimulate the nation's economy. And since JR Tokai is footing the entire bill, which is in excess of 9 trillion yen ($88.6 billion), the company obviously wants to avoid any added expenditures or delays.
　柘植社長は、２７年開業に向け、今年秋にも着工したいとの考えを示した。日本経済の起爆剤として、リニアの早期開業への期待もある。９兆円超の事業費を全額負担する以上、開業が延び、経費が膨らむのを避けたいのもＪＲ側の本音であろう。

But unlike the Tokaido Shinkansen project that needed to be completed in time for the 1964 Tokyo Olympics, there is no social justification for setting 2027 as the target year for the completion of the new maglev Shinkansen project. Moreover, winning the understanding of residents along the service route, who will be affected in varying degrees, is indispensable to the project's success. JR Tokai must not be stingy with the time this will require.
　ただ、東京五輪に間に合わせる必要があった東海道新幹線と違い、２７年という目標に、社会的合理性があるわけではない。他方、建設で大小の影響を被る沿線住民の理解は不可欠である。このためにかける時間を惜しんではならない。

The project will involve digging really deep under central Tokyo and building unprecedentedly long tunnels through the high-altitude Akaishi mountain range, known as the Southern Alps. There may well be unforeseen developments requiring JR Tokai to rework its plans.
　リニア計画は都心部の大深度地下や、隆起が続く南アルプスで、過去に例のない長大トンネル建設に挑む。予想外の事態で計画の練り直しを迫られる展開もありえよう。

We recommend that the company not be obsessed with the target year and be always aware of the importance of applying the brakes early, so to speak, and re-examining the project plan.
時期にこだわらず、早めにブレーキをかけて、計画を再点検することの大切さを忘れないでもらいたい。

The ruling Liberal Democratic Party, which has been strongly in favor of extending the service route beyond Nagoya to Osaka right from the start, has come up with a proposal to fast-track the project by getting the government to extend an interest-free loan of 3.6 trillion yen to help JR Tokai cover the construction costs for the extended section. But considering the time needed just for the assessment of environmental impacts of the Nagoya-Osaka stretch, we doubt that fast-tracking will be technically feasible.
　「大阪までの一括開業を」と主張する自民党は、国に３兆６千億円の建設費を無利子融資させ、工事を急がせる案をまとめた。しかし、名古屋―大阪間の環境アセスにかかる時間だけ考えても、技術的に無理だろう。

The bigger the project, the more thorough the planning must be. Getting JR Tokai to understand this is the responsibility of politicians.
　大事業であればこそ、慎重な計画づくりを促す。それが政治の果たすべき役割である。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 5

袴田事件が問うもの―死刑のない社会を考える

May 06, 2014
EDITORIAL: Hakamada case reinforces arguments against death penalty
袴田事件が問うもの―死刑のない社会を考える

The Japanese government can legally end a person’s life as punishment for a crime.
　人の命を、刑罰として国家が奪う。

The Shizuoka District Court’s recent decision to order a retrial for a long-time death-row inmate reminded us afresh of the grave problems inherent in this capital punishment system.
　それがいかに重いことか、世に問いかけたのが、死刑囚袴田巌さんに対する静岡地裁の再審開始決定だ。

Iwao Hakamada was sentenced to death over a 1966 quadruple murder. If his sentence had been carried out, the state would have committed a dreadful and irreparable mistake.
　もし刑が執行されていたら、取り返しがつかなかった。

When he was released in late March after spending 48 years behind bars, Hakamada showed signs of mental illness. His condition highlighted the cruelties of living under the constant fear of being executed.
　４８年ぶりに拘束をとかれた袴田さんは、精神を病んでいた。いつとも知れぬ執行と日々向き合う過酷さも垣間見えた。

INEVITABLE HUMAN ERRORS
■誤判は避けられない

Five years have passed since the “saibanin” lay judge system was introduced in Japan. Under the system, randomly selected ordinary citizens are tasked to decide whether the accused should be given a death sentence.
　裁判員制度の導入で、死刑にすべきかどうかの判断を市民が担って５年になる。

More than 80 percent of citizens support the death penalty, according to a government survey.
　政府の世論調査では、死刑の存続を８割以上が支持する。

But it can hardly be said that sufficient national debate has been held on the various issues concerning capital punishment.
　しかし、この究極の刑のあり方について、国民的な議論を十分重ねてきたとは言い難い。

Tough penalties should certainly be meted out for the unpardonable crime of murder. But is the death penalty the only possible option for such cases?
　人の命を奪う許しがたい犯罪には厳正な刑罰で臨まねばならない。だが、その選択肢はいまの死刑しかないのだろうか。

This is a question that all people living in a society that has adopted capital punishment should ask themselves.
　死刑がある社会を生きる一人ひとりが問い直すべき問題であろう。

Hakamada is certainly not the only victim of false accusations.
　振りかえれば、袴田さんだけの問題ではなかった。

During the 1980s, four death-row inmates, including Sakae Menda, were acquitted in retrials. Since 2010, four prisoners serving life sentences have been acquitted in retrials, including Toshikazu Sugaya, who was wrongfully convicted of murdering a 4-year-old girl in Ashikaga, Tochigi Prefecture, in 1990.
　８０年代、免田栄さんら４人の死刑囚が再審で無罪を言い渡された。無期刑でも２０１０年以降だけで足利事件などの４人が再審無罪となっている。

These cases cannot be simply regarded as the regrettable results of sloppy criminal investigations in the old days. Just two years ago, four people were wrongfully arrested over online threats posted through their computers, which had been remotely manipulated. The four were later found innocent, but two of them had “confessed” to the crime.
　昔の捜査はいい加減だった、と片づけられることでもない。つい２年前のパソコン遠隔操作事件では、のちに無実だと分かった４人のうち２人が「自白」していた。

Some people may think that innocent people would never confess to a crime. But those suspects were held for days after their arrest. They eventually succumbed to pressure from investigators who used leading questions and coercive tactics in the interrogations.
　やってもいない罪を認めるなんてありえない、と思う人もいるだろう。だが逮捕され、連日取り調べられるなか、取調官の誘導や強要に屈して虚偽の自白をすることが現実に起きた。

Humans prosecute and judge others under the criminal justice system, so it must be assumed that false accusations and wrongful convictions can occur.
　人間が犯した罪を、訴追し、裁くのもまた人間だ。誤判はありうるという前提に立って、考えざるをえない。

BEYOND EYE-FOR-EYE JUSTICE
■「報い」を超えて

Since the second half of the 20th century, many nations, mainly in Europe, have abolished capital punishment.
　２０世紀後半以降、先進国では欧州を中心に死刑の廃絶が進んだ。

Among industrialized nations today, only Japan and some U.S. states still execute criminals. South Korea and Russia stopped conducting executions in the 1990s, effectively abolishing the death penalty.
執行を続けるのは、米国の一部の州と日本だけだ。韓国、ロシアは９０年代に執行を止め、事実上の廃止国になった。

Punishments against crimes are based on each country’s social culture, and simply following the global trend may not be the best answer.
　刑罰はそれぞれの社会文化に根ざしている。世界の潮流に従えばいいというものではない。

Heinous crimes and people demanding severe punishments exist in any country. But many countries have chosen something other than capital punishment as the maximum penalty. Japan would probably be better off learning from their views and opinions.
だが、どの国にも憎むべき犯罪があり、厳しい世論がある状況を抱えつつ、死刑ではない最高刑を選んできた。その知見から学ぶことはあるはずだ。

Under another widely adopted approach, executions are suspended temporarily to allow a public consensus to emerge on the issue through in-depth debate.
　死刑の執行を一時停止し、議論の深まりを待つ方法も広くとられてきた。

In the Japanese government’s poll on the issue, more than half of the respondents who supported the death penalty cited concerns that abolishing capital punishment would lead to an increase in vicious crimes. But there is no clear proof that the death penalty is an effective deterrent to crime.
　政府の世論調査では、死刑存続を支持する人の半数以上が、廃止すると凶悪犯罪が増えることを理由に挙げた。しかし、死刑に特別な抑止力があるかどうかは、立証されていない。

Many respondents also supported the notion that people who have committed heinous crimes should pay with their lives.
　凶悪犯罪には命をもって償うべきだという理由を挙げる人も多かった。

Although atrocious crimes spark broad and strong public demands for heavy punishments, death sentences are not handed down in all of these cases. The difficulty in dealing with the issue lies in the fact that a criminal penalty should not be regarded as merely the price for a crime.
　だが今でも、社会の処罰感情が強い犯罪のすべてに死刑が適用されているわけではない。刑を「報い」としてだけでとらえるべきでない難しさがある。

The suffering is immeasurable among people who have lost family members and loved ones due to criminal activities. Their demands for severe penalties against the culprits are understandable.
　犯罪で家族や愛する人を奪われた遺族らの厳罰を求める気持ちは当然のものだ。その痛みは計り知れない。

But some bereaved families want the offenders to live out their lives making amends for the crimes they have committed.
　一方で、あえて加害者に生きて償うことを要望する遺族もいる。

It is impossible to punish criminals in a way that can satisfy all the diverse feelings of the victims and their families. What is important is to ensure that society provides support for crime victims and bereaved families.
被害者のさまざまな思いを加害者の刑に反映させるには、限界がある。必要なのは、被害者と遺族を社会がいかに手厚く支えていくかではないか。

In some abhorrent cases, families can no longer live in their homes where crimes have taken the lives of family members, and the perpetrators refuse to offer apologies let alone compensation for the suffering they caused.
　突然、犯罪で家族を失い、現場になった自宅にも住めない。加害者からは被害弁済どころか反省の言葉さえない。そんな不条理なことが現にある。

Systems have been established in recent years to allow crime victims to take part in the trials of the suspects and to receive information on how the sentences have been carried out.
　近年になって被害者が裁判に参加する制度や、加害者の刑の執行状況を知らせる制度などが整ってはきた。

But much more needs to be done to ensure that crime victims can receive sufficient financial support and psychological care.
それでも金銭的な支援、心理的なケアなど取り組むべきことは多い。

The government should consider long-term support to help crime victims deal with various difficulties.
　犯罪に起因するさまざまな困難と向き合う、息の長い支援を考えていかねばならない。

LIMITED INFORMATION DISCLOSURE
■限られた情報公開

Japan had 132 inmates on death row at the end of April.
　４月末現在、確定死刑囚は１３２人いる。

Until seven years ago, the Justice Ministry didn’t publish the names of executed inmates or the locations where the executions were conducted. The ministry showed execution sites to Diet members and journalists, but such efforts for information disclosure proved temporary.
　法務省は７年前まで、死刑執行の対象者の名前や場所などを公にしてこなかった。国会議員や報道機関に刑場を公開したこともあるが、一時的なもので終わった。

The government has been keeping strict control on information concerning executions. Such a show of public authority has serious implications. There is no denying that the government’s reluctance to disclose information about executions has hampered healthy public debate on capital punishment.
　死刑執行がきわめて重い公権力の行使でありながら、政府は情報公開を極度に制限してきた。これが死刑をめぐる議論を妨げてきたことは否めない。

Another issue is whether hanging is an appropriate execution method. Nearly six decades have passed since the Supreme Court ruled that death by hanging did not violate the constitutional ban on cruel penalties. Even some experts who support capital punishment are calling for a review of this method.
　絞首刑という方法がふさわしいかも論点だろう。残虐な刑罰を禁じる憲法に反しないとする最高裁判決から約６０年がたつ。死刑存続派の識者からも見直しを求める意見が出ている。

A multipartisan group of lawmakers against the death penalty once considered proposing life imprisonment without parole as an alternative to capital punishment.
　超党派の国会議員でつくる死刑廃止議連は、仮釈放のない無期刑（重無期刑）の新設を検討していた。

It has long been pointed out that the gap is too large between capital punishment and a life sentence, which is actually an “indefinite” prison term with the possibility of parole that may lead to the offender’s return to society.
いずれ社会に戻れるかもしれない無期刑と死刑の落差はかねて指摘されてきた。

The government has been avoiding asking citizens what they think of life imprisonment without parole as an alternative to the death penalty. But this is a question that the government itself should face head-on.
　死刑の代替刑として、重無期刑をどのように考えるか。政府は市民に意見を問うことを避けてきたが、正面から向き合うべき問題ではないか。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 6