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The Yomiuri Shimbun
Japan should patiently press issue of abductions with North Korea
日朝外相会談 拉致問題解決を粘り強く迫れ
The government is expected to move the issue of Japanese nationals abducted by North Korean agents forward by using the fact that a high-level meeting has been held between Tokyo and Pyongyang as leverage.
高いレベルでの北朝鮮との会談の実現をテコにして、日本人拉致問題の前進を図りたい。
Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida met his North Korean counterpart, Ri Su Yong, on the sidelines of meetings held by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Malaysia.
マレーシアで行われた東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）の一連の関連会議に合わせ、岸田外相が北朝鮮の李洙●外相と会談した。（●は土へんに庸）
Kishida protested to Ri during their talks that although Pyongyang has conducted reinvestigations on the abduction of Japanese nationals by its agents for more than a year, it has not reported any results. Kishida called it “regrettable” and asked the North Korean government again to send all the abduction victims home as soon as possible.
北朝鮮の拉致被害者再調査が１年以上行われているのに、報告が一切ないことについて、岸田氏は「遺憾だ」と抗議した。全被害者の早期帰国も改めて求めた。
Ri told him that his government has been reinvestigating the incidents sincerely based on the agreement made between Tokyo and Pyongyang.
李氏は、「（日朝両政府の）合意に基づき、調査を誠実に履行している」と弁明した。
Only North Korean leader Kim Jong Un can make a political decision to clarify the whole picture of the abductions, which are a state crime, and allow the victims to come home quickly.
拉致という国家犯罪の全容を明らかにし、被害者を速やかに日本へ帰国させる。その政治決断は、金正恩第１書記しか下せない。
In that sense, it is meaningful that Kishida could directly tell Ri, a powerful figure allegedly close to Kim, the importance of solving the abduction issue.
金第１書記と近い実力者とされる李氏に拉致問題解決の重要性を直接伝えた意義は小さくない。
It is important not to make the foreign ministerial meeting between Japan and North Korea a one-time event but to connect it to the progress of the reinvestigation.
重要なのは、日朝外相会談を１回限りのものにせず、再調査の進展に結びつけることだ。
Instead of only a brief contact, Ri agreed this time to 30-minute-long talks with his Japanese counterpart.
李氏は今回、短時間の接触でなく、約３０分間の会談に応じた。
Pyongyang intends to force Japan to relax sanctions and extend food aid to North Korea in return for the reinvestigation. It apparently wants to avoid international isolation by maintaining talks with Japan.
北朝鮮には、再調査の見返りに、日本から制裁緩和や食糧支援などを引き出す思惑がある。国際的な孤立を回避するため、日本との交渉自体は継続したいのだろう。
Strategic move necessary
The government must make a strategic move that no longer allows North Korea to play for time or maneuver cleverly.
政府に求められるのは、北朝鮮にこれ以上の時間稼ぎや駆け引きを許さない戦略的取り組みだ。
Pyongyang claims that it has been conducting a comprehensive reinvestigation of the abductions, including issues related to remains of Japanese victims. However, the priority of the reinvestigation should be on the abduction victims who cannot come home yet.
北朝鮮は、日本人遺骨問題を含めた包括的な再調査を行っていると主張する。だが、最優先すべきは未帰国の拉致被害者である。
If the North Koreans remain unable to report even information about the fate of the abductees, resumption of sanctions, which were lifted last year, and introduction of new measures such as prohibition of money transfers to North Korea cannot be avoided.
安否情報の通報さえない状況が続くなら、昨年解除した制裁の復活や、送金の原則禁止などの新たな措置を取らざるを得まい。
The government should strongly urge North Korea to report on the progress of the reinvestigation. One option might be setting a new deadline for progress.
再調査の進捗しんちょく状況の報告を強く促すべきだ。再調査に改めて期限を設けるのも選択肢となろう。
In Malaysia, Kishida also held separate talks with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and South Korean Foreign Minister Yun Byung Se, both of whom also attended the ASEAN meetings.
マレーシアで岸田氏は、会議に出席した中国の王毅、韓国の尹炳世両外相とも個別に会談した。
In reference to a statement Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is going to issue to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II, Wan said that he expected Abe to “face history with a responsible attitude.” Yun said he expects Abe to “reconfirm the perception of history held by past cabinets.” Kishida replied to them that the Abe Cabinet will “succeed the positions of the past cabinets in general.”
王氏は安倍首相の戦後７０年談話に関し、「歴史に責任ある態度で向き合ってほしい」と語った。尹氏は「歴代内閣の歴史認識の再確認を期待する」と述べた。岸田氏は「歴代内閣の立場を全体として引き継ぐ」と説明した。
The Advisory Panel on the History of the 20th Century and on Japan’s Role and World Order in the 21st Century submitted a report to the prime minister that it compiled after discussing the planned statement. “Japan expanded its aggression” after the 1931 Manchurian Incident, the panel said in the report. “Based on the deep remorse [for the war], Japan has been reborn as a country that is completely different from what it was … ”
談話内容を検討した有識者懇談会は、日本が満州事変以後、「侵略」を拡大し、戦後は先の大戦への「痛切な反省」に基づき、全く異なる国に生まれ変わったとする報告書を安倍首相に提出した。
In the planned statement, the prime minister should review Japan’s past based on the perception of history presented in the report and clearly announce his will to build future-oriented relations with both China and South Korea.
首相は談話で、報告書の歴史認識を踏まえて過去を総括し、中韓両国と未来志向の関係を構築する意思を明確に打ち出すべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 8, 2015)
Japan should patiently press issue of abductions with North Korea
日朝外相会談 拉致問題解決を粘り強く迫れ
The government is expected to move the issue of Japanese nationals abducted by North Korean agents forward by using the fact that a high-level meeting has been held between Tokyo and Pyongyang as leverage.
高いレベルでの北朝鮮との会談の実現をテコにして、日本人拉致問題の前進を図りたい。
Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida met his North Korean counterpart, Ri Su Yong, on the sidelines of meetings held by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Malaysia.
マレーシアで行われた東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）の一連の関連会議に合わせ、岸田外相が北朝鮮の李洙●外相と会談した。（●は土へんに庸）
Kishida protested to Ri during their talks that although Pyongyang has conducted reinvestigations on the abduction of Japanese nationals by its agents for more than a year, it has not reported any results. Kishida called it “regrettable” and asked the North Korean government again to send all the abduction victims home as soon as possible.
北朝鮮の拉致被害者再調査が１年以上行われているのに、報告が一切ないことについて、岸田氏は「遺憾だ」と抗議した。全被害者の早期帰国も改めて求めた。
Ri told him that his government has been reinvestigating the incidents sincerely based on the agreement made between Tokyo and Pyongyang.
李氏は、「（日朝両政府の）合意に基づき、調査を誠実に履行している」と弁明した。
Only North Korean leader Kim Jong Un can make a political decision to clarify the whole picture of the abductions, which are a state crime, and allow the victims to come home quickly.
拉致という国家犯罪の全容を明らかにし、被害者を速やかに日本へ帰国させる。その政治決断は、金正恩第１書記しか下せない。
In that sense, it is meaningful that Kishida could directly tell Ri, a powerful figure allegedly close to Kim, the importance of solving the abduction issue.
金第１書記と近い実力者とされる李氏に拉致問題解決の重要性を直接伝えた意義は小さくない。
It is important not to make the foreign ministerial meeting between Japan and North Korea a one-time event but to connect it to the progress of the reinvestigation.
重要なのは、日朝外相会談を１回限りのものにせず、再調査の進展に結びつけることだ。
Instead of only a brief contact, Ri agreed this time to 30-minute-long talks with his Japanese counterpart.
李氏は今回、短時間の接触でなく、約３０分間の会談に応じた。
Pyongyang intends to force Japan to relax sanctions and extend food aid to North Korea in return for the reinvestigation. It apparently wants to avoid international isolation by maintaining talks with Japan.
北朝鮮には、再調査の見返りに、日本から制裁緩和や食糧支援などを引き出す思惑がある。国際的な孤立を回避するため、日本との交渉自体は継続したいのだろう。
Strategic move necessary
The government must make a strategic move that no longer allows North Korea to play for time or maneuver cleverly.
政府に求められるのは、北朝鮮にこれ以上の時間稼ぎや駆け引きを許さない戦略的取り組みだ。
Pyongyang claims that it has been conducting a comprehensive reinvestigation of the abductions, including issues related to remains of Japanese victims. However, the priority of the reinvestigation should be on the abduction victims who cannot come home yet.
北朝鮮は、日本人遺骨問題を含めた包括的な再調査を行っていると主張する。だが、最優先すべきは未帰国の拉致被害者である。
If the North Koreans remain unable to report even information about the fate of the abductees, resumption of sanctions, which were lifted last year, and introduction of new measures such as prohibition of money transfers to North Korea cannot be avoided.
安否情報の通報さえない状況が続くなら、昨年解除した制裁の復活や、送金の原則禁止などの新たな措置を取らざるを得まい。
The government should strongly urge North Korea to report on the progress of the reinvestigation. One option might be setting a new deadline for progress.
再調査の進捗しんちょく状況の報告を強く促すべきだ。再調査に改めて期限を設けるのも選択肢となろう。
In Malaysia, Kishida also held separate talks with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and South Korean Foreign Minister Yun Byung Se, both of whom also attended the ASEAN meetings.
マレーシアで岸田氏は、会議に出席した中国の王毅、韓国の尹炳世両外相とも個別に会談した。
In reference to a statement Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is going to issue to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II, Wan said that he expected Abe to “face history with a responsible attitude.” Yun said he expects Abe to “reconfirm the perception of history held by past cabinets.” Kishida replied to them that the Abe Cabinet will “succeed the positions of the past cabinets in general.”
王氏は安倍首相の戦後７０年談話に関し、「歴史に責任ある態度で向き合ってほしい」と語った。尹氏は「歴代内閣の歴史認識の再確認を期待する」と述べた。岸田氏は「歴代内閣の立場を全体として引き継ぐ」と説明した。
The Advisory Panel on the History of the 20th Century and on Japan’s Role and World Order in the 21st Century submitted a report to the prime minister that it compiled after discussing the planned statement. “Japan expanded its aggression” after the 1931 Manchurian Incident, the panel said in the report. “Based on the deep remorse [for the war], Japan has been reborn as a country that is completely different from what it was … ”
談話内容を検討した有識者懇談会は、日本が満州事変以後、「侵略」を拡大し、戦後は先の大戦への「痛切な反省」に基づき、全く異なる国に生まれ変わったとする報告書を安倍首相に提出した。
In the planned statement, the prime minister should review Japan’s past based on the perception of history presented in the report and clearly announce his will to build future-oriented relations with both China and South Korea.
首相は談話で、報告書の歴史認識を踏まえて過去を総括し、中韓両国と未来志向の関係を構築する意思を明確に打ち出すべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 8, 2015)
PR
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Abe must clearly admit ‘aggression’ in anniversary statement on WWII
７０年談話懇報告 首相も「侵略」を明確に認めよ
◆過去への反省と謝罪が欠かせぬ◆
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe must send a clear message that Japan made a fresh start in the postwar period based on its reflection on the past misguided war.
戦後日本が過去の誤った戦争への反省に立って再出発したことを、明確なメッセージとして打ち出さねばならない。
The Advisory Panel on the History of the 20th Century and on Japan’s Role and World Order in the 21st Century has submitted to Abe a report compiled after its discussions on the statement he will release next week to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II.
来週発表される戦後７０年談話を巡って議論を重ねてきた２１世紀構想懇談会が、安倍首相に報告書を提出した。
The report evaluated the postwar international contribution Japan made after learning lessons from its prewar failures and pointed out the need to make greater efforts to realize its proactive contribution to world peace.
報告書は、戦前の失敗に学んだ戦後日本の国際協調の歩みを評価し、積極的平和主義を一層具現化していく必要性を指摘した。
The report determined that Japan expanded its “aggression” against the continent after the Manchurian Incident of 1931. This historical perspective can be regarded as hitting the nail on the head.
その中で、日本が１９３１年の満州事変以後、大陸への「侵略」を拡大したと認定した。的を射た歴史認識と言える。
A turning point
◆「満州事変」が分岐点だ
However, the report contained a footnote that there were some dissenting views among panel members concerning the use of the word “aggression.” According to the report, the reasons for this included that the definition of “aggression” has not been established under international law and there is an objection from a historical perspective to stating that the series of events from the Manchurian Incident onward constituted “aggression.”
一方で報告書は、「侵略」に脚注を付し、一部委員から異議が出たことも示した。国際法上「侵略」の定義が定まっていないこと、歴史的にも満州事変以後を「侵略」と断定するには異論があることなどが理由に挙げられた。
But acts of sending troops into territories of a foreign country and infringing on its sovereignty have been defined by historians as “aggression.”
だが、歴史学者の間では、軍隊を送り込んで他国の領土や主権を侵害することが「侵略」だと定義されてきた。
In this sense, the series of acts from the Manchurian Incident onward obviously constituted “aggression.” It is irrational to refute that it was for the purpose of defense. The events also constituted a violation of the antiwar treaty signed in 1928 that banned wars except for defensive purposes.
その意味で、満州事変以後の行為は明らかに侵略である。自衛のためという抗弁は通らない。自衛以外の戦争を禁止した２８年の不戦条約にも違反していた。
It is not acceptable to argue defiantly that the United States and European countries also committed aggression. It is also wrong to assert that Japan waged the war for the liberation of Asia.
他の欧米諸国も侵略をしたという開き直りは通用しない。日本はアジア解放のために戦争をしたという主張も誤りと言えよう。
The report also said: “Japan acted counter to the tide of self-determination. Colonial rule became particularly harsh from the second half of the 1930s on.”
報告書はまた、日本が「民族自決の大勢に逆行し、特に３０年代後半から、植民地支配が過酷化した」との見解を示した。
It added that “Japan’s postwar trajectory is based on a thorough reflection of its actions in the 1930s and the first half of the 1940s.” The report also pointed out the need to work toward achieving reconciliation with China and South Korea. Both points are significant.
戦後日本の歩みは「３０年代から４０年代前半の行動に対する全面的な反省の上に成り立っている」と記した。中国や韓国との和解に向けた努力が必要なことにも言及した。いずれも重要な指摘だ。
The report expresses no opinion on whether Abe should offer an apology. “Whether or not to make an apology is the prime minister’s decision,” Shinichi Kitaoka, the panel’s deputy chairman and president of International University of Japan, said at a press conference. Even so, we think it would have been good if the panel had considered how such an apology might be offered.
報告書は、謝罪に関しては提言していない。座長代理の北岡伸一国際大学長は記者会見で、「お詫わびするかどうかは首相の判断だ」と述べたが、お詫びの仕方を検討してもよかったのではないか。
National interests at stake
◆誤解招けば国益を害す
The report’s introduction states, “The Panel hopes that this Report serves as a reference for the statement to be issued on the 70th anniversary of the end of the war.”
報告書前文には「戦後７０年を機に出される談話の参考となることを期待する」と記されている。
One closely watched element of Abe’s statement will be his handling of key words that were contained in the statement issued by then Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama to mark the 50th anniversary of the end of the war, and the statement by then Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi to mark the 60th anniversary. Both of these statements explicitly expressed “deep remorse” for Japan’s “colonial rule and aggression” and stated a “heartfelt apology.”
安倍首相談話で注目されているのは、戦後５０年の村山首相談話と６０年の小泉首相談話に盛り込まれたキーワードの扱いだ。これら二つの談話には「植民地支配と侵略」への「痛切な反省」と「心からのお詫び」が明記されていた。
We don’t think the political meaning of Abe’s statement should be judged automatically by its use — or omission — of key words from the earlier statements. Be that as it may, the international community will be carefully observing what kind of historical perception is displayed by the Japanese prime minister.
過去の首相談話のキーワードの有無だけで、今回の談話の政治的意味を機械的に判断すべきではないだろう。とはいえ、日本の首相がどのような歴史認識を示すのか、国際社会は注視している。
Abe previously stirred up controversy when he said the word “aggression” has no established definition in the international community.
安倍首相は「侵略の定義は国際的にも定まっていない」と語り、物議を醸したことがある。
In an article contributed to The Yomiuri Shimbun, former Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone asserted, “From the viewpoint of those peoples, the Japanese military stepped into their countries with their boots on, and this was unmistakably an act of aggression.”
中曽根元首相は、本紙への寄稿の中で「現地の人からすれば日本軍が土足で入り込んできたわけで、まぎれもない侵略行為だった」と明言している。
Sense of apology
◆心に響くお詫びの意を
If Abe omits the word “aggression” from his statement, he will inevitably be viewed as not wanting to accept the fact that Japan committed aggression. If suspicions are harbored over Japan’s actions and trust in Japan is shaken because of this, it will damage the national interest.
談話に「侵略」と書かなければ、首相は侵略の事実を認めたくないと見られても仕方がない。それにより、日本の行動に疑念が持たれたり、対日信頼感が揺らいだりすれば、国益を損なう。
There are strong concerns that not offering any gesture at all to the many people who were forced to endure tremendous suffering and sacrifice because of Japan’s actions before the end of the war could generate the misunderstanding that “Japan does not feel remorse for what happened.”
日本の戦前の行為により多大な苦痛と犠牲を強いられた人々に対し、何の意思表示もしないことは、「反省なき日本」という誤解を与える恐れが強い。
We can understand why many Japanese people feel uncomfortable about continuing to apologize generation after generation.
子々孫々の代まで謝罪を続けることに、国民の多くが違和感を抱くのは理解できる。
We suppose it is time to draw a line, and make this the final apology, for once and for all.
今回限りということで、けじめをつけてはどうか。
Even if Abe’s statement uses expressions that indirectly touch on the views of previous cabinets, such as quotes from the Murayama statement, it should also include words that convey sincere feelings of apology regarding Japan’s “aggression” and “colonial rule.”
安倍談話は、村山談話の引用など歴代内閣の見解を踏まえる間接的な表現であっても、「侵略」と「植民地支配」に対する心からのお詫びの気持ちが伝わる言葉を盛り込むべきである。
Or it should incorporate words of apology from the prime minister himself that will resonate in the hearts of people who suffered during the war.
あるいは、戦争で被害を受けた人々の心に響く、首相自身のお詫びの言葉を示すことだ。
Leaders of Germany, a nation that has squarely reflected on its Nazi-era past, have gained the confidence of France and other nearby countries by using heartfelt expressions, even if they did not use direct words of apology.
ナチス時代を率直に反省したドイツの指導者たちは、お詫びを示す直接の言葉でなくても、思いのこもった表現で、フランスなど周辺諸国の信頼を得てきた。
This could be an example from which Japan can learn.
そうした例も参考になろう。
Abe has spoken of his desire to issue a future-oriented statement. However, he should keep in mind that properly reviewing the past is precisely the way to ensure that Japan’s international contributions and policy of proactive contribution to peace are positively evaluated.
首相は未来志向の談話を目指したい、と述べている。しかし、過去をきちんと総括した上でこそ、国際貢献も、積極的平和主義も評価されることを銘記すべきだ。
Opinions within the government and ruling parties are split over whether the 70th anniversary statement should be issued after a decision by the Cabinet to support it. Considering that this is a statement for which the Cabinet should take responsibility, we think the Cabinet needs to make such a decision.
政府・与党内では、７０年談話を閣議決定すべきか否かで意見が分かれている。内閣として責任を持つべき談話である以上、やはり閣議決定する必要がある。
The statement should confidently tell the world about the path Japan has taken in the 70 years since the war ended.
戦後７０年の日本の歩みを堂々と世界に発信すべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 7, 2015)Speech
Abe must clearly admit ‘aggression’ in anniversary statement on WWII
７０年談話懇報告 首相も「侵略」を明確に認めよ
◆過去への反省と謝罪が欠かせぬ◆
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe must send a clear message that Japan made a fresh start in the postwar period based on its reflection on the past misguided war.
戦後日本が過去の誤った戦争への反省に立って再出発したことを、明確なメッセージとして打ち出さねばならない。
The Advisory Panel on the History of the 20th Century and on Japan’s Role and World Order in the 21st Century has submitted to Abe a report compiled after its discussions on the statement he will release next week to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II.
来週発表される戦後７０年談話を巡って議論を重ねてきた２１世紀構想懇談会が、安倍首相に報告書を提出した。
The report evaluated the postwar international contribution Japan made after learning lessons from its prewar failures and pointed out the need to make greater efforts to realize its proactive contribution to world peace.
報告書は、戦前の失敗に学んだ戦後日本の国際協調の歩みを評価し、積極的平和主義を一層具現化していく必要性を指摘した。
The report determined that Japan expanded its “aggression” against the continent after the Manchurian Incident of 1931. This historical perspective can be regarded as hitting the nail on the head.
その中で、日本が１９３１年の満州事変以後、大陸への「侵略」を拡大したと認定した。的を射た歴史認識と言える。
A turning point
◆「満州事変」が分岐点だ
However, the report contained a footnote that there were some dissenting views among panel members concerning the use of the word “aggression.” According to the report, the reasons for this included that the definition of “aggression” has not been established under international law and there is an objection from a historical perspective to stating that the series of events from the Manchurian Incident onward constituted “aggression.”
一方で報告書は、「侵略」に脚注を付し、一部委員から異議が出たことも示した。国際法上「侵略」の定義が定まっていないこと、歴史的にも満州事変以後を「侵略」と断定するには異論があることなどが理由に挙げられた。
But acts of sending troops into territories of a foreign country and infringing on its sovereignty have been defined by historians as “aggression.”
だが、歴史学者の間では、軍隊を送り込んで他国の領土や主権を侵害することが「侵略」だと定義されてきた。
In this sense, the series of acts from the Manchurian Incident onward obviously constituted “aggression.” It is irrational to refute that it was for the purpose of defense. The events also constituted a violation of the antiwar treaty signed in 1928 that banned wars except for defensive purposes.
その意味で、満州事変以後の行為は明らかに侵略である。自衛のためという抗弁は通らない。自衛以外の戦争を禁止した２８年の不戦条約にも違反していた。
It is not acceptable to argue defiantly that the United States and European countries also committed aggression. It is also wrong to assert that Japan waged the war for the liberation of Asia.
他の欧米諸国も侵略をしたという開き直りは通用しない。日本はアジア解放のために戦争をしたという主張も誤りと言えよう。
The report also said: “Japan acted counter to the tide of self-determination. Colonial rule became particularly harsh from the second half of the 1930s on.”
報告書はまた、日本が「民族自決の大勢に逆行し、特に３０年代後半から、植民地支配が過酷化した」との見解を示した。
It added that “Japan’s postwar trajectory is based on a thorough reflection of its actions in the 1930s and the first half of the 1940s.” The report also pointed out the need to work toward achieving reconciliation with China and South Korea. Both points are significant.
戦後日本の歩みは「３０年代から４０年代前半の行動に対する全面的な反省の上に成り立っている」と記した。中国や韓国との和解に向けた努力が必要なことにも言及した。いずれも重要な指摘だ。
The report expresses no opinion on whether Abe should offer an apology. “Whether or not to make an apology is the prime minister’s decision,” Shinichi Kitaoka, the panel’s deputy chairman and president of International University of Japan, said at a press conference. Even so, we think it would have been good if the panel had considered how such an apology might be offered.
報告書は、謝罪に関しては提言していない。座長代理の北岡伸一国際大学長は記者会見で、「お詫わびするかどうかは首相の判断だ」と述べたが、お詫びの仕方を検討してもよかったのではないか。
National interests at stake
◆誤解招けば国益を害す
The report’s introduction states, “The Panel hopes that this Report serves as a reference for the statement to be issued on the 70th anniversary of the end of the war.”
報告書前文には「戦後７０年を機に出される談話の参考となることを期待する」と記されている。
One closely watched element of Abe’s statement will be his handling of key words that were contained in the statement issued by then Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama to mark the 50th anniversary of the end of the war, and the statement by then Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi to mark the 60th anniversary. Both of these statements explicitly expressed “deep remorse” for Japan’s “colonial rule and aggression” and stated a “heartfelt apology.”
安倍首相談話で注目されているのは、戦後５０年の村山首相談話と６０年の小泉首相談話に盛り込まれたキーワードの扱いだ。これら二つの談話には「植民地支配と侵略」への「痛切な反省」と「心からのお詫び」が明記されていた。
We don’t think the political meaning of Abe’s statement should be judged automatically by its use — or omission — of key words from the earlier statements. Be that as it may, the international community will be carefully observing what kind of historical perception is displayed by the Japanese prime minister.
過去の首相談話のキーワードの有無だけで、今回の談話の政治的意味を機械的に判断すべきではないだろう。とはいえ、日本の首相がどのような歴史認識を示すのか、国際社会は注視している。
Abe previously stirred up controversy when he said the word “aggression” has no established definition in the international community.
安倍首相は「侵略の定義は国際的にも定まっていない」と語り、物議を醸したことがある。
In an article contributed to The Yomiuri Shimbun, former Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone asserted, “From the viewpoint of those peoples, the Japanese military stepped into their countries with their boots on, and this was unmistakably an act of aggression.”
中曽根元首相は、本紙への寄稿の中で「現地の人からすれば日本軍が土足で入り込んできたわけで、まぎれもない侵略行為だった」と明言している。
Sense of apology
◆心に響くお詫びの意を
If Abe omits the word “aggression” from his statement, he will inevitably be viewed as not wanting to accept the fact that Japan committed aggression. If suspicions are harbored over Japan’s actions and trust in Japan is shaken because of this, it will damage the national interest.
談話に「侵略」と書かなければ、首相は侵略の事実を認めたくないと見られても仕方がない。それにより、日本の行動に疑念が持たれたり、対日信頼感が揺らいだりすれば、国益を損なう。
There are strong concerns that not offering any gesture at all to the many people who were forced to endure tremendous suffering and sacrifice because of Japan’s actions before the end of the war could generate the misunderstanding that “Japan does not feel remorse for what happened.”
日本の戦前の行為により多大な苦痛と犠牲を強いられた人々に対し、何の意思表示もしないことは、「反省なき日本」という誤解を与える恐れが強い。
We can understand why many Japanese people feel uncomfortable about continuing to apologize generation after generation.
子々孫々の代まで謝罪を続けることに、国民の多くが違和感を抱くのは理解できる。
We suppose it is time to draw a line, and make this the final apology, for once and for all.
今回限りということで、けじめをつけてはどうか。
Even if Abe’s statement uses expressions that indirectly touch on the views of previous cabinets, such as quotes from the Murayama statement, it should also include words that convey sincere feelings of apology regarding Japan’s “aggression” and “colonial rule.”
安倍談話は、村山談話の引用など歴代内閣の見解を踏まえる間接的な表現であっても、「侵略」と「植民地支配」に対する心からのお詫びの気持ちが伝わる言葉を盛り込むべきである。
Or it should incorporate words of apology from the prime minister himself that will resonate in the hearts of people who suffered during the war.
あるいは、戦争で被害を受けた人々の心に響く、首相自身のお詫びの言葉を示すことだ。
Leaders of Germany, a nation that has squarely reflected on its Nazi-era past, have gained the confidence of France and other nearby countries by using heartfelt expressions, even if they did not use direct words of apology.
ナチス時代を率直に反省したドイツの指導者たちは、お詫びを示す直接の言葉でなくても、思いのこもった表現で、フランスなど周辺諸国の信頼を得てきた。
This could be an example from which Japan can learn.
そうした例も参考になろう。
Abe has spoken of his desire to issue a future-oriented statement. However, he should keep in mind that properly reviewing the past is precisely the way to ensure that Japan’s international contributions and policy of proactive contribution to peace are positively evaluated.
首相は未来志向の談話を目指したい、と述べている。しかし、過去をきちんと総括した上でこそ、国際貢献も、積極的平和主義も評価されることを銘記すべきだ。
Opinions within the government and ruling parties are split over whether the 70th anniversary statement should be issued after a decision by the Cabinet to support it. Considering that this is a statement for which the Cabinet should take responsibility, we think the Cabinet needs to make such a decision.
政府・与党内では、７０年談話を閣議決定すべきか否かで意見が分かれている。内閣として責任を持つべき談話である以上、やはり閣議決定する必要がある。
The statement should confidently tell the world about the path Japan has taken in the 70 years since the war ended.
戦後７０年の日本の歩みを堂々と世界に発信すべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 7, 2015)Speech
The Yomiuri Shimbun
For sake of peace, world leaders should visit Hiroshima in person
原爆忌 被爆地訪問で核軍縮に弾みを
Thursday marks the passage of 70 years since an atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima. On Sunday, Nagasaki will also mark the 70th anniversary of becoming a victim of an atomic bomb during the war.
広島に原爆が投下されてから、６日で７０年が経過した。長崎は９日に原爆忌を迎える。
Many years have passed since the day when a nuclear weapon was used for the first time in human history. The average age of atomic bomb survivors is now above 80.
人類史上、初めて核兵器が使用されたあの日から長い歳月が流れ、被爆者の平均年齢は８０歳を超えた。
About 70 percent of Japanese people do not know the dates when atomic bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. This finding came through a public poll taken by NHK. The importance of handing down the memory of the atomic bombings from generation to generation has grown greater than ever.
今や、広島、長崎への原爆投下の日付を知らない人が約７割を占める。ＮＨＫの世論調査の結果だ。被爆の記憶を語り継いでいく重要性は一段と増している。
Rose Gottemoeller, U.S. undersecretary of state for arms control and international security, will attend this year’s peace memorial ceremonies in Hiroshima and Nagasaki — the first time for a senior U.S. government official to be sent from Washington to attend an annual ceremony.
広島と長崎の式典には今回、米国のゴットムラー国務次官が参列する。ワシントンから高官が派遣されるのは初めてだ。
In a peace declaration to be announced at the peace ceremony, Hiroshima Mayor Kazumi Matsui will call on U.S. President Barack Obama and other leaders from across the world to visit the sites of the atomic bombings.
松井一実・広島市長は平和宣言で、オバマ米大統領ら各国指導者に被爆地訪問を呼びかける。
Next spring, a summit meeting of the Group of Seven major nations (the Ise-Shima summit) will be held in Japan, and Hiroshima is slated to host a related meeting of foreign ministers. It will be a good occasion for them to encounter the reality of a place where an atomic bomb was dropped.
来春、日本で主要国首脳会議（伊勢志摩サミット）が開かれ、広島は外相会合の会場となる。被爆地の実相に接する好機となろう。
Presently, an atomic bomb exhibition, sponsored by the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and other entities, is being held in Washington, the first such exhibition there in 20 years. Included on display are a watch whose hands stopped at the time when the atomic bomb was dropped on the city, and the Hiroshima Panels, joint works by the artists Iri Maruki, a Hiroshima native, and his wife Toshi Maruki.
ワシントンで、広島、長崎両市などが主催する原爆展が２０年ぶりに開かれている。原爆投下の時刻で止まった時計や、広島出身の画家、丸木位里、俊夫妻の「原爆の図」などが展示されている。
Fraught topic in U.S.
When a similar exhibition was held in the United States 20 years ago, there was controversy over what was to be displayed. The organizers planned to display some mementos of the atomic bomb victims, together with Enola Gay, the plane that dropped the first atomic bomb. But war veterans and others in the United States strongly opposed the proposed exhibit, calling it “an insult” to all U.S. soldiers.
２０年前には、展示内容を巡る論争があった。原爆を投下した爆撃機「エノラ・ゲイ」と共に、被爆者の遺品を展示する企画に対し、退役軍人らが「全米兵への侮辱だ」と猛反発した。
The proposed plan fell through, and the mementos were put on display at another event.
企画は頓挫し、遺品は別の催しで公開された。
In the United States, there is a deep-rooted historical perspective that the atomic bombing brought the war to a quick end, thus saving the lives of many American soldiers.
米国では、原爆投下で戦争終結が早まり、多数の米兵の命が救われた、という歴史観が根強い。
In recent years, however, changes in that perception appear to be occurring.
近年、変化もうかがえる。
The U.S. government plans to turn facilities related to the Manhattan Project — a program that led to the development of atomic weapons in the United States — into a national historical park. Emerging as part of the establishment of the park is a proposal to put some materials related to the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki on display within the park.
米政府は、原爆を開発したマンハッタン計画の関連施設を国立歴史公園にする予定だ。そこに広島、長崎の被爆資料を展示する案が浮上している。
The idea came as the U.S. government has taken into consideration the wishes of the two cities for the park to convey correctly the realities of the damage wrought by the bombings.
原爆被害の実態を正確に伝えてほしいという両市の要望に配慮したものだ。
There are still more than 15,000 nuclear warheads in the world. President Vladimir Putin of Russia, which annexed the Crimean Peninsula of Ukraine last year, said later that Russia was ready to put its nuclear forces on alert over the crisis there.
世界には今なお、１万５０００発以上の核弾頭が存在する。昨年、ウクライナのクリミア半島を編入したロシアのプーチン大統領は後に、「核戦力を戦闘態勢に置く準備があった」と述べた。
China is building up its nuclear capability. During the process of working to compile final documents of agreement at the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in May, China had some of the original wording deleted from the draft. The wording, based on a Japanese request, called on leaders and young people of the world to visit Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
中国は核戦力を増強している。今年５月には、核拡散防止条約（ＮＰＴ）再検討会議の最終文書案の作成過程で、世界の指導者や若者に被爆地訪問を呼びかける日本提案の記述を削除させた。
China criticized Japan, saying it was trying to depict itself as a victim. But issues related to historical perceptions should not be linked with nuclear disarmament.
中国は、日本が被害者の立場を取ろうとしていると非難した。核軍縮に歴史認識問題を絡めてはならないだろう。
Teaching the world about the misery wrought by nuclear weapons, and linking the appeal to nuclear disarmament and nuclear nonproliferation. This is a mission Japan, the sole country where atomic bombs were dropped, is obliged to assume.
核兵器がもたらす惨状を世界に訴え、核軍縮や核不拡散に結びつける。それが唯一の被爆国である日本に課せられた使命だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 6, 2015)
For sake of peace, world leaders should visit Hiroshima in person
原爆忌 被爆地訪問で核軍縮に弾みを
Thursday marks the passage of 70 years since an atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima. On Sunday, Nagasaki will also mark the 70th anniversary of becoming a victim of an atomic bomb during the war.
広島に原爆が投下されてから、６日で７０年が経過した。長崎は９日に原爆忌を迎える。
Many years have passed since the day when a nuclear weapon was used for the first time in human history. The average age of atomic bomb survivors is now above 80.
人類史上、初めて核兵器が使用されたあの日から長い歳月が流れ、被爆者の平均年齢は８０歳を超えた。
About 70 percent of Japanese people do not know the dates when atomic bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. This finding came through a public poll taken by NHK. The importance of handing down the memory of the atomic bombings from generation to generation has grown greater than ever.
今や、広島、長崎への原爆投下の日付を知らない人が約７割を占める。ＮＨＫの世論調査の結果だ。被爆の記憶を語り継いでいく重要性は一段と増している。
Rose Gottemoeller, U.S. undersecretary of state for arms control and international security, will attend this year’s peace memorial ceremonies in Hiroshima and Nagasaki — the first time for a senior U.S. government official to be sent from Washington to attend an annual ceremony.
広島と長崎の式典には今回、米国のゴットムラー国務次官が参列する。ワシントンから高官が派遣されるのは初めてだ。
In a peace declaration to be announced at the peace ceremony, Hiroshima Mayor Kazumi Matsui will call on U.S. President Barack Obama and other leaders from across the world to visit the sites of the atomic bombings.
松井一実・広島市長は平和宣言で、オバマ米大統領ら各国指導者に被爆地訪問を呼びかける。
Next spring, a summit meeting of the Group of Seven major nations (the Ise-Shima summit) will be held in Japan, and Hiroshima is slated to host a related meeting of foreign ministers. It will be a good occasion for them to encounter the reality of a place where an atomic bomb was dropped.
来春、日本で主要国首脳会議（伊勢志摩サミット）が開かれ、広島は外相会合の会場となる。被爆地の実相に接する好機となろう。
Presently, an atomic bomb exhibition, sponsored by the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and other entities, is being held in Washington, the first such exhibition there in 20 years. Included on display are a watch whose hands stopped at the time when the atomic bomb was dropped on the city, and the Hiroshima Panels, joint works by the artists Iri Maruki, a Hiroshima native, and his wife Toshi Maruki.
ワシントンで、広島、長崎両市などが主催する原爆展が２０年ぶりに開かれている。原爆投下の時刻で止まった時計や、広島出身の画家、丸木位里、俊夫妻の「原爆の図」などが展示されている。
Fraught topic in U.S.
When a similar exhibition was held in the United States 20 years ago, there was controversy over what was to be displayed. The organizers planned to display some mementos of the atomic bomb victims, together with Enola Gay, the plane that dropped the first atomic bomb. But war veterans and others in the United States strongly opposed the proposed exhibit, calling it “an insult” to all U.S. soldiers.
２０年前には、展示内容を巡る論争があった。原爆を投下した爆撃機「エノラ・ゲイ」と共に、被爆者の遺品を展示する企画に対し、退役軍人らが「全米兵への侮辱だ」と猛反発した。
The proposed plan fell through, and the mementos were put on display at another event.
企画は頓挫し、遺品は別の催しで公開された。
In the United States, there is a deep-rooted historical perspective that the atomic bombing brought the war to a quick end, thus saving the lives of many American soldiers.
米国では、原爆投下で戦争終結が早まり、多数の米兵の命が救われた、という歴史観が根強い。
In recent years, however, changes in that perception appear to be occurring.
近年、変化もうかがえる。
The U.S. government plans to turn facilities related to the Manhattan Project — a program that led to the development of atomic weapons in the United States — into a national historical park. Emerging as part of the establishment of the park is a proposal to put some materials related to the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki on display within the park.
米政府は、原爆を開発したマンハッタン計画の関連施設を国立歴史公園にする予定だ。そこに広島、長崎の被爆資料を展示する案が浮上している。
The idea came as the U.S. government has taken into consideration the wishes of the two cities for the park to convey correctly the realities of the damage wrought by the bombings.
原爆被害の実態を正確に伝えてほしいという両市の要望に配慮したものだ。
There are still more than 15,000 nuclear warheads in the world. President Vladimir Putin of Russia, which annexed the Crimean Peninsula of Ukraine last year, said later that Russia was ready to put its nuclear forces on alert over the crisis there.
世界には今なお、１万５０００発以上の核弾頭が存在する。昨年、ウクライナのクリミア半島を編入したロシアのプーチン大統領は後に、「核戦力を戦闘態勢に置く準備があった」と述べた。
China is building up its nuclear capability. During the process of working to compile final documents of agreement at the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in May, China had some of the original wording deleted from the draft. The wording, based on a Japanese request, called on leaders and young people of the world to visit Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
中国は核戦力を増強している。今年５月には、核拡散防止条約（ＮＰＴ）再検討会議の最終文書案の作成過程で、世界の指導者や若者に被爆地訪問を呼びかける日本提案の記述を削除させた。
China criticized Japan, saying it was trying to depict itself as a victim. But issues related to historical perceptions should not be linked with nuclear disarmament.
中国は、日本が被害者の立場を取ろうとしていると非難した。核軍縮に歴史認識問題を絡めてはならないだろう。
Teaching the world about the misery wrought by nuclear weapons, and linking the appeal to nuclear disarmament and nuclear nonproliferation. This is a mission Japan, the sole country where atomic bombs were dropped, is obliged to assume.
核兵器がもたらす惨状を世界に訴え、核軍縮や核不拡散に結びつける。それが唯一の被爆国である日本に課せられた使命だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 6, 2015)
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 5
EDITORIAL: Tokyo-Okinawa 'temporary truce' too good an opportunity to waste
（社説）政権と沖縄 「休戦」で終わらせるな
Since a window of dialogue between the Abe administration and Okinawa prefectural government seems to have finally opened, every effort must be made to keep it open for continued talks.
ようやく安倍政権と沖縄県の対話の窓が開いたのだろうか。これを継続的な話し合いの場に育てなければならない。
Tokyo and Naha agreed Aug. 4 that all work related to the planned relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma to the Henoko district in Nago will be suspended for one month, starting Aug. 10. The parties also agreed to use this period for intensive talks until Sept. 9.
米軍普天間飛行場の沖縄県名護市辺野古への移設に伴う新基地建設をめぐり、安倍政権と沖縄県が９月９日まで１カ月間、すべての工事を中断し、集中的に協議することで合意した。
Without this agreement, the situation inevitably would have deteriorated into a quagmire, with both sides resorting to measures to outdo one another. Tokyo was poised to start shortly reclamation work for the construction of the new air base, and Okinawa Governor Takeshi Onaga was about to void the land reclamation permit issued by his predecessor.
近く本体工事に着手する方針だった政権と、前知事の埋め立て承認を取り消す方針だった沖縄県。このまま進めば、双方が対抗措置を繰り出す泥沼の衝突に発展するのは必至だった。
The one-month moratorium came just in time to avert a showdown. For the first time since Onaga became governor eight months ago, Tokyo and Naha, which could never agree on anything, are finally sitting down together at the negotiating table. We welcome this development.
その寸前に、かろうじて１カ月の猶予期間が生まれた。翁長雄志（おながたけし）知事の誕生から８カ月、すれ違いが続いてきた国と県が、本格的な話し合いの席に着くことは評価したい。
However, it will certainly not be easy for them to narrow their distance.
だが、互いの歩み寄りは容易ではない。
The duration of the talks is limited to only one month, and there is nothing to indicate that the Abe administration will deviate during this period from its set policy, which is that the relocation to Henoko is the only solution.
協議期間は１カ月に区切られている。政権が、辺野古移設が唯一の解決策という方針を転換する気配もない。
The administration's decision to suspend work for one month was probably motivated by the following events scheduled during that period: The Upper House will be deliberating highly contentious bills on national security and the administration grapples with another divisive issue of restarting a nuclear reactor. Should the administration go ahead with the Henoko reclamation in disregard of the vehement resistance put up by the people of Okinawa, its already declining approval rating could go further south.
おそらく政権にはこんな事情があるのだろう。
これからの１カ月は、世論の批判が広がっている安全保障関連法案の参院審議と重なる。原発再稼働など国民の評価が割れる課題もある。そのうえに、沖縄県の強い反対を押し切って辺野古の埋め立てを強行すれば、内閣支持率のさらなる低下を招きかねない――。
We cannot help suspect that the administration sees the period until Sept. 9 as nothing more than "temporary truce" until the national security bills become law.
９月９日までの協議期間は、安保法案が成立するまでの、つかの間の「休戦期間」なのか。そんな疑念がぬぐえない。
Onaga is sticking to his position that construction of a new facility in Henoko is absolutely unacceptable. He has all the popular backing he needs from the results of last year's Nago mayoral election, the gubernatorial election and the Lower House election, each of which represented a triumph of the people's will to oppose the relocation plan.
翁長知事も「辺野古新基地建設は不可能」とする姿勢を貫く構えだ。昨年の名護市長選、知事選、総選挙で繰り返し示された新基地建設反対の民意が知事の背中を押している。
Both Tokyo and Naha obviously have their own interests to consider, but we strongly hope they will let this precious opportunity for dialogue become the first step toward breaking the impasse.
双方に事情はあろうが、せっかくの対話の機会を問題の打開につなげてほしい。
The first thing they need to confirm is that the either/or argument of "Henoko or Futenma" has got to end.
まず確認すべきは「辺野古か普天間か」の二者択一の議論はもう終わりにすることだ。
Rather, the questions that should be asked include the following: What sort of foreign policy strategy does Japan need to establish a stable, long-term relationship with China? Where should U.S. forces and Japan's Self-Defense Forces be positioned in that strategy? What is the significance of concentrating U.S. bases in Okinawa? And are U.S. Marine Corps bases really necessary in Okinawa?
中国と長期的に安定した関係を築くには、どんな外交戦略が必要なのか。そのなかに米軍や自衛隊をどう位置づけるべきなのか。沖縄に基地が集中することに意味があるのか。海兵隊の基地は本当に必要なのか。大きな構図の中で、白紙から再考すべきである。
All these issues must be reworked from scratch against the big picture, and the task requires more than just the Abe administration and the Okinawa prefectural government.
それは、安倍政権と沖縄県だけで成り立つ議論ではない。
Specifically, the central government must hold serious talks with the U.S. government. The Abe administration cannot be considered to be taking Okinawa seriously so long as it continues to avoid such talks with Washington.
解決には米国との本格協議が必要であり、それを避けている限り、政権が本気で沖縄と向き合っているとは言えない。
The coming month must be used to get the ball rolling in the right direction.
この１カ月を、こうした議論を深めるための転機とすべきだ。
EDITORIAL: Tokyo-Okinawa 'temporary truce' too good an opportunity to waste
（社説）政権と沖縄 「休戦」で終わらせるな
Since a window of dialogue between the Abe administration and Okinawa prefectural government seems to have finally opened, every effort must be made to keep it open for continued talks.
ようやく安倍政権と沖縄県の対話の窓が開いたのだろうか。これを継続的な話し合いの場に育てなければならない。
Tokyo and Naha agreed Aug. 4 that all work related to the planned relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma to the Henoko district in Nago will be suspended for one month, starting Aug. 10. The parties also agreed to use this period for intensive talks until Sept. 9.
米軍普天間飛行場の沖縄県名護市辺野古への移設に伴う新基地建設をめぐり、安倍政権と沖縄県が９月９日まで１カ月間、すべての工事を中断し、集中的に協議することで合意した。
Without this agreement, the situation inevitably would have deteriorated into a quagmire, with both sides resorting to measures to outdo one another. Tokyo was poised to start shortly reclamation work for the construction of the new air base, and Okinawa Governor Takeshi Onaga was about to void the land reclamation permit issued by his predecessor.
近く本体工事に着手する方針だった政権と、前知事の埋め立て承認を取り消す方針だった沖縄県。このまま進めば、双方が対抗措置を繰り出す泥沼の衝突に発展するのは必至だった。
The one-month moratorium came just in time to avert a showdown. For the first time since Onaga became governor eight months ago, Tokyo and Naha, which could never agree on anything, are finally sitting down together at the negotiating table. We welcome this development.
その寸前に、かろうじて１カ月の猶予期間が生まれた。翁長雄志（おながたけし）知事の誕生から８カ月、すれ違いが続いてきた国と県が、本格的な話し合いの席に着くことは評価したい。
However, it will certainly not be easy for them to narrow their distance.
だが、互いの歩み寄りは容易ではない。
The duration of the talks is limited to only one month, and there is nothing to indicate that the Abe administration will deviate during this period from its set policy, which is that the relocation to Henoko is the only solution.
協議期間は１カ月に区切られている。政権が、辺野古移設が唯一の解決策という方針を転換する気配もない。
The administration's decision to suspend work for one month was probably motivated by the following events scheduled during that period: The Upper House will be deliberating highly contentious bills on national security and the administration grapples with another divisive issue of restarting a nuclear reactor. Should the administration go ahead with the Henoko reclamation in disregard of the vehement resistance put up by the people of Okinawa, its already declining approval rating could go further south.
おそらく政権にはこんな事情があるのだろう。
これからの１カ月は、世論の批判が広がっている安全保障関連法案の参院審議と重なる。原発再稼働など国民の評価が割れる課題もある。そのうえに、沖縄県の強い反対を押し切って辺野古の埋め立てを強行すれば、内閣支持率のさらなる低下を招きかねない――。
We cannot help suspect that the administration sees the period until Sept. 9 as nothing more than "temporary truce" until the national security bills become law.
９月９日までの協議期間は、安保法案が成立するまでの、つかの間の「休戦期間」なのか。そんな疑念がぬぐえない。
Onaga is sticking to his position that construction of a new facility in Henoko is absolutely unacceptable. He has all the popular backing he needs from the results of last year's Nago mayoral election, the gubernatorial election and the Lower House election, each of which represented a triumph of the people's will to oppose the relocation plan.
翁長知事も「辺野古新基地建設は不可能」とする姿勢を貫く構えだ。昨年の名護市長選、知事選、総選挙で繰り返し示された新基地建設反対の民意が知事の背中を押している。
Both Tokyo and Naha obviously have their own interests to consider, but we strongly hope they will let this precious opportunity for dialogue become the first step toward breaking the impasse.
双方に事情はあろうが、せっかくの対話の機会を問題の打開につなげてほしい。
The first thing they need to confirm is that the either/or argument of "Henoko or Futenma" has got to end.
まず確認すべきは「辺野古か普天間か」の二者択一の議論はもう終わりにすることだ。
Rather, the questions that should be asked include the following: What sort of foreign policy strategy does Japan need to establish a stable, long-term relationship with China? Where should U.S. forces and Japan's Self-Defense Forces be positioned in that strategy? What is the significance of concentrating U.S. bases in Okinawa? And are U.S. Marine Corps bases really necessary in Okinawa?
中国と長期的に安定した関係を築くには、どんな外交戦略が必要なのか。そのなかに米軍や自衛隊をどう位置づけるべきなのか。沖縄に基地が集中することに意味があるのか。海兵隊の基地は本当に必要なのか。大きな構図の中で、白紙から再考すべきである。
All these issues must be reworked from scratch against the big picture, and the task requires more than just the Abe administration and the Okinawa prefectural government.
それは、安倍政権と沖縄県だけで成り立つ議論ではない。
Specifically, the central government must hold serious talks with the U.S. government. The Abe administration cannot be considered to be taking Okinawa seriously so long as it continues to avoid such talks with Washington.
解決には米国との本格協議が必要であり、それを避けている限り、政権が本気で沖縄と向き合っているとは言えない。
The coming month must be used to get the ball rolling in the right direction.
この１カ月を、こうした議論を深めるための転機とすべきだ。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 4
EDITORIAL: Isozaki’s views reflect the cowboy mind-set of Abe & Co.
（社説）礒崎氏の発言 首相の任命責任を問う
Yosuke Isozaki’s controversial remarks about security legislation have become a major political issue, not simply because they were mouthed by a special adviser on national security to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.
問題は首相補佐官としての発言の是非にとどまらない。
Isozaki’s comments, which belittled the importance of legal stability, have raised questions about Abe’s responsibility for appointing this individual to the key security policy post and also about the administration’s overarching tendency to make light of the Constitution.
安倍首相の任命責任、さらには憲法を軽視してきた政権全体の姿勢が問われている。
Talking about the package of government-drafted security bills now before the Upper House, Isozaki, in a July 26 speech, said: "What we have to think about is whether the measures are necessary to protect Japan. Legal stability has nothing to do with it."
Isozaki on Aug. 3 testified before an Upper House special committee on the security legislation as an unsworn witness.
安全保障関連法案をめぐって「考えないといけないのは、わが国を守るために必要な措置かどうかで、法的安定性は関係ない」と講演で発言した礒崎陽輔首相補佐官が、参院特別委員会で参考人として釈明した。
He acknowledged that his remarks had been “inappropriate” and apologized, but refused to resign as adviser to the prime minister.
自らの発言を「不適切だった」と認め、陳謝したが、首相補佐官の辞任は否定した。
The unacceptable part of his testimony is his claim that his remarks produced a “big misunderstanding.” In a posting on his website dated July 19, before the speech in question, Isozaki said the following:
納得できないのは、礒崎氏が「大きな誤解を与えてしまった」と述べている点だ。
たとえば問題発言のあった講演より前、７月１９日付の礒崎氏のホームページには当初、次のような記述があった。
"It doesn’t serve the national interest to become preoccupied with making the formalist argument that (the security legislation) lacks legal stability with the traditional government interpretation of the Constitution when there have been significant changes in the international situation surrounding Japan.”
「日本を取り巻く国際情勢が大きく変化しているにもかかわらず、従来の憲法解釈との法的安定性を欠くなどという形式議論に終始しているのは、国家にとって有益ではありません」
In this positing, too, Isozaki dismissed the argument for legal stability as a “formalist” view.
So there was no misunderstanding. This is what he truly thinks.
ここでも法的安定性を「形式議論」と切り捨てていた。誤解でも何でもない、これこそが偽らざる本音だったのだろう。
While he was an elite bureaucrat at the former home affairs ministry (now the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications), Isozaki, as a Cabinet counselor, was involved in the drafting of legislation to deal with security emergencies.
Then he entered politics by running successfully in an Upper House election as a candidate of the Liberal Democratic Party.
総務省出身の礒崎氏は、内閣参事官として有事法制の整備を手がけた後、自民党参院議員に転身。
Since he was appointed as an adviser to Abe, Isozaki has been working as a coordinator for the prime minister’s office to push the series of security policy initiatives.
Among security policy moves in which he has been involved are the establishment of the state secrets protection law, the change in the government’s interpretation of the Constitution to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense under certain conditions and the drafting of the security legislation that recently cleared the Lower House.
首相補佐官に起用され、特定秘密保護法の制定や、集団的自衛権の行使を一部容認する憲法解釈の変更、安保法案の作成に首相官邸の代表として調整にあたった。
In February, Isozaki, speaking as the secretary-general of the LDP’s headquarters for promoting constitutional amendments, said, “We are going to give the people a taste of constitutional amendments.” That comment also triggered public criticism.
２月には自民党の憲法改正推進本部事務局長として「憲法改正を国民に一回味わってもらう」と述べ、物議を醸したこともある。
Isozaki has been acting as a flag waver for Abe’s constitutional amendment agenda, so to speak.
いわば安倍首相の改憲路線の旗振り役でもある。
Abe has cautioned members of his administration to “refrain from making remarks that arouse doubt.”
Given the depth of the relationship between Abe and Isozaki, however, what this adviser said cannot be dismissed simply as a gaffe by a close aide to the prime minister.
首相は「疑念をもたれるような発言は慎まねばならない」と述べたが、その関係の深さを考えれば、単なる側近議員の失言で片付けるわけにはいかない。
Senior LDP lawmakers have made remarks that indicate they are putting greater importance on security policy than on the Constitution. “The nation could fall into ruin while protecting the Constitution” is a typical refrain.
「憲法守って国滅ぶ」。自民党幹部からは憲法より安保政策の方が優先だ、と言わんばかりの発言が聞かれる。
Remarks such as this, which is similar in essence to what Isozaki said, reflect a mind-set of treating the Constitution and legal stability lightly.
礒崎氏の発言と根っこは同じ憲法軽視、法的安定性軽視の姿勢だ。
Isozaki’s words have underscored afresh an inherent lack of legal stability in the security legislation.
礒崎氏の発言は、安保法案の法的安定性の本質的な欠如をも改めて浮かび上がらせた。
The administration has made a 180-degree change in the official interpretation of the Constitution with regard to whether Japan can exercise the right to collective self-defense, from “no” to “yes,” while stressing the qualifier “under certain circumstances.”
限定行使の名のもとに、集団的自衛権を「行使できない」から「行使できる」に百八十度転換したこと。
The administration has also exhibited a propensity to secure the government as much leeway as possible to make its own security policy decisions.
時の政権の裁量の余地を、できるだけ限定せずに残しておこうとする姿勢。
It is obvious that the security legislation lacks legal stability.
法案が法的安定性を欠くのは明らかである。
The blame for this serious flaw with the legislation should be borne by the prime minister himself and the entire ruling camp, including Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner.
その責めは、首相自身と、公明党を含む政権全体が負うべきものだ。
Isozaki’s testimony as an unsworn witness before the Diet alone cannot put an end to this serious political problem.
礒崎氏の招致で済む話ではない。
EDITORIAL: Isozaki’s views reflect the cowboy mind-set of Abe & Co.
（社説）礒崎氏の発言 首相の任命責任を問う
Yosuke Isozaki’s controversial remarks about security legislation have become a major political issue, not simply because they were mouthed by a special adviser on national security to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.
問題は首相補佐官としての発言の是非にとどまらない。
Isozaki’s comments, which belittled the importance of legal stability, have raised questions about Abe’s responsibility for appointing this individual to the key security policy post and also about the administration’s overarching tendency to make light of the Constitution.
安倍首相の任命責任、さらには憲法を軽視してきた政権全体の姿勢が問われている。
Talking about the package of government-drafted security bills now before the Upper House, Isozaki, in a July 26 speech, said: "What we have to think about is whether the measures are necessary to protect Japan. Legal stability has nothing to do with it."
Isozaki on Aug. 3 testified before an Upper House special committee on the security legislation as an unsworn witness.
安全保障関連法案をめぐって「考えないといけないのは、わが国を守るために必要な措置かどうかで、法的安定性は関係ない」と講演で発言した礒崎陽輔首相補佐官が、参院特別委員会で参考人として釈明した。
He acknowledged that his remarks had been “inappropriate” and apologized, but refused to resign as adviser to the prime minister.
自らの発言を「不適切だった」と認め、陳謝したが、首相補佐官の辞任は否定した。
The unacceptable part of his testimony is his claim that his remarks produced a “big misunderstanding.” In a posting on his website dated July 19, before the speech in question, Isozaki said the following:
納得できないのは、礒崎氏が「大きな誤解を与えてしまった」と述べている点だ。
たとえば問題発言のあった講演より前、７月１９日付の礒崎氏のホームページには当初、次のような記述があった。
"It doesn’t serve the national interest to become preoccupied with making the formalist argument that (the security legislation) lacks legal stability with the traditional government interpretation of the Constitution when there have been significant changes in the international situation surrounding Japan.”
「日本を取り巻く国際情勢が大きく変化しているにもかかわらず、従来の憲法解釈との法的安定性を欠くなどという形式議論に終始しているのは、国家にとって有益ではありません」
In this positing, too, Isozaki dismissed the argument for legal stability as a “formalist” view.
So there was no misunderstanding. This is what he truly thinks.
ここでも法的安定性を「形式議論」と切り捨てていた。誤解でも何でもない、これこそが偽らざる本音だったのだろう。
While he was an elite bureaucrat at the former home affairs ministry (now the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications), Isozaki, as a Cabinet counselor, was involved in the drafting of legislation to deal with security emergencies.
Then he entered politics by running successfully in an Upper House election as a candidate of the Liberal Democratic Party.
総務省出身の礒崎氏は、内閣参事官として有事法制の整備を手がけた後、自民党参院議員に転身。
Since he was appointed as an adviser to Abe, Isozaki has been working as a coordinator for the prime minister’s office to push the series of security policy initiatives.
Among security policy moves in which he has been involved are the establishment of the state secrets protection law, the change in the government’s interpretation of the Constitution to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense under certain conditions and the drafting of the security legislation that recently cleared the Lower House.
首相補佐官に起用され、特定秘密保護法の制定や、集団的自衛権の行使を一部容認する憲法解釈の変更、安保法案の作成に首相官邸の代表として調整にあたった。
In February, Isozaki, speaking as the secretary-general of the LDP’s headquarters for promoting constitutional amendments, said, “We are going to give the people a taste of constitutional amendments.” That comment also triggered public criticism.
２月には自民党の憲法改正推進本部事務局長として「憲法改正を国民に一回味わってもらう」と述べ、物議を醸したこともある。
Isozaki has been acting as a flag waver for Abe’s constitutional amendment agenda, so to speak.
いわば安倍首相の改憲路線の旗振り役でもある。
Abe has cautioned members of his administration to “refrain from making remarks that arouse doubt.”
Given the depth of the relationship between Abe and Isozaki, however, what this adviser said cannot be dismissed simply as a gaffe by a close aide to the prime minister.
首相は「疑念をもたれるような発言は慎まねばならない」と述べたが、その関係の深さを考えれば、単なる側近議員の失言で片付けるわけにはいかない。
Senior LDP lawmakers have made remarks that indicate they are putting greater importance on security policy than on the Constitution. “The nation could fall into ruin while protecting the Constitution” is a typical refrain.
「憲法守って国滅ぶ」。自民党幹部からは憲法より安保政策の方が優先だ、と言わんばかりの発言が聞かれる。
Remarks such as this, which is similar in essence to what Isozaki said, reflect a mind-set of treating the Constitution and legal stability lightly.
礒崎氏の発言と根っこは同じ憲法軽視、法的安定性軽視の姿勢だ。
Isozaki’s words have underscored afresh an inherent lack of legal stability in the security legislation.
礒崎氏の発言は、安保法案の法的安定性の本質的な欠如をも改めて浮かび上がらせた。
The administration has made a 180-degree change in the official interpretation of the Constitution with regard to whether Japan can exercise the right to collective self-defense, from “no” to “yes,” while stressing the qualifier “under certain circumstances.”
限定行使の名のもとに、集団的自衛権を「行使できない」から「行使できる」に百八十度転換したこと。
The administration has also exhibited a propensity to secure the government as much leeway as possible to make its own security policy decisions.
時の政権の裁量の余地を、できるだけ限定せずに残しておこうとする姿勢。
It is obvious that the security legislation lacks legal stability.
法案が法的安定性を欠くのは明らかである。
The blame for this serious flaw with the legislation should be borne by the prime minister himself and the entire ruling camp, including Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner.
その責めは、首相自身と、公明党を含む政権全体が負うべきものだ。
Isozaki’s testimony as an unsworn witness before the Diet alone cannot put an end to this serious political problem.
礒崎氏の招致で済む話ではない。
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Beijing must honor code of conduct in S. China Sea to prevent conflicts
南シナ海情勢 中国は規範から逃れられない
Making its control over the South China Sea a fait accompli by buying time on the pretext of continuing dialogue, China’s posture has now become crystal clear with Beijing turning its back on efforts to formulate international rules pertaining to the disputed waters.
対話の継続で時間を稼ぎ、南シナ海の支配強化を既成事実化する。国際的なルール作りに背を向ける中国の姿勢が鮮明になった。
To lay down a “code of conduct” to prevent conflicts in the South China Sea, senior officials from China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations held talks last week in Tianjin, China.
南シナ海での紛争防止を図る「行動規範」の策定に向けて、中国と東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）が中国・天津で、公式高官協議を開いた。
Regarding the issue of creating the code of conduct, both sides stressed what they called the positive fruits of the talks, declaring, each participant county had agreed that we would enter a new phase of consultations to discuss highly important and complex issues. No time frame or related steps for drawing up the envisioned code of conduct were spelled out, however, meaning that the China-ASEAN talks failed to make any substantive progress.
双方は行動規範について、「各国が、重要で複雑な問題を議論するため、新たな段階に入ることに同意した」と成果を強調した。だが、策定時期などは明示されず、実質的な前進はなかった。
The proposed code of conduct is to be a set of legally binding rules that would regulate behavior of such countries as China, the Philippines and Vietnam that are disputing territory in the South China Sea. Studies are being made to incorporate in the code of conduct such rules contained in the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea and creation of a framework to oversee the behavior of the respective countries concerned.
行動規範は領有権を争う中国とフィリピンやベトナムなど関係国の行動を法的に拘束するものだ。国連海洋法条約の尊重や各国の行動を監視する枠組みの創設などを盛り込むことを検討している。
It appears that China, while showing that it is prepared to sit at the negotiating table with ASEAN, wants to prevent the United States from having any say in the region, in a bid to claim the South China Sea as “China’s own waters.”
中国はＡＳＥＡＮとの協議に応じる一方で、米国の影響力を排除し、南シナ海を「自国の海」として囲い込むつもりなのだろう。
If a code of conduct was actually drawn up, Beijing probably would try to make its binding power as weak as possible, with the aim of emasculating the content of the pact.
仮に行動規範をまとめる場合でも、できるだけ拘束力を弱め、中身を骨抜きにする意図があるのではないか。
Bid to divide ASEAN members
The main reason for the failure to make progress in the talks, which began in September 2013, is China’s efforts to stymie progress, as Beijing is averse to any attempt to put constraints on its endeavor to change the status quo.
２０１３年９月に始まった協議が進展しない最大の原因は、自らの現状変更の試みが制約されるのを嫌う中国の消極姿勢にある。
Meanwhile, China is going all-out to reclaim reefs of the Spratly Islands one after another, by building such installations as a 3,000-meter-class runway and military facilities. Should a surveillance network with radar be installed there, there would be fears that a huge area of the South China Sea would come under the influence of China.
この間、中国はスプラトリー（南沙）諸島で岩礁を次々に埋め立てて、３０００メートル級滑走路や軍事施設の建設を急いでいる。監視レーダー網が設置されれば、南シナ海の広大な区域が中国の影響下に入ることも懸念される。
It goes without saying that China, a major power that should fulfill its responsibility to ensure the region’s peace and stability, is responsible for the strained situation in the South China Sea.
地域の平和と安定に責任を果たすべき大国である中国が南シナ海情勢を緊張させていることは、看過できない。
In the middle of this week, foreign ministers and other officials from Japan, the United States, China, ASEAN members and others will hold the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in Kuala Lumpur to discuss security issues. The discussion will focus on such issues as “freedom of navigation” in the South China Sea.
今週半ばには、日米中やＡＳＥＡＮなどの外相らがクアラルンプールで、安全保障問題を話し合うＡＳＥＡＮ地域フォーラム（ＡＲＦ）を開催する。南シナ海の「航行の自由」などが焦点となる。
China presumably used the senior officials’ talks last week ahead of the ARF meeting to cause internal divisions within ASEAN, probably aimed at isolating the Philippines, as problems between the two countries have intensified.
中国はその前の高官協議でＡＳＥＡＮ内部を分断し、中国との対立が先鋭化するフィリピンを孤立させる思惑もあったのだろう。
Problematic in this connection is that on the eve of the talks, Chinese forces carried out military exercises in the vicinity of Hainan Island in the South China Sea that were one of the largest in scale ever carried out by the Chinese military, with more than 100 vessels, scores of aircraft and strategic missile troops mobilized. The war games were apparently designed to keep the U.S. forces, which have been beefing up surveillance activities in the South China Sea, in check.
問題なのは、中国軍が協議前日、南シナ海の海南島周辺で、艦艇１００隻以上と航空機数十機、戦略ミサイル部隊による過去最大規模の演習を行ったことだ。南シナ海の警戒監視を強める米国を牽制けんせいする狙いがあるとみられる。
Japan, in cooperation with such countries as the United States and the Philippines, must press China repeatedly to help draw up an effective code of conduct as early as possible and suspend the projects to militarize the reefs in the South China Sea.
日本は、米国やフィリピンなど関係国と連携し、実効性のある行動規範の早期策定と、南シナ海での軍事拠点化の中止を、中国に繰り返し促さねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 3, 2015)
Beijing must honor code of conduct in S. China Sea to prevent conflicts
南シナ海情勢 中国は規範から逃れられない
Making its control over the South China Sea a fait accompli by buying time on the pretext of continuing dialogue, China’s posture has now become crystal clear with Beijing turning its back on efforts to formulate international rules pertaining to the disputed waters.
対話の継続で時間を稼ぎ、南シナ海の支配強化を既成事実化する。国際的なルール作りに背を向ける中国の姿勢が鮮明になった。
To lay down a “code of conduct” to prevent conflicts in the South China Sea, senior officials from China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations held talks last week in Tianjin, China.
南シナ海での紛争防止を図る「行動規範」の策定に向けて、中国と東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）が中国・天津で、公式高官協議を開いた。
Regarding the issue of creating the code of conduct, both sides stressed what they called the positive fruits of the talks, declaring, each participant county had agreed that we would enter a new phase of consultations to discuss highly important and complex issues. No time frame or related steps for drawing up the envisioned code of conduct were spelled out, however, meaning that the China-ASEAN talks failed to make any substantive progress.
双方は行動規範について、「各国が、重要で複雑な問題を議論するため、新たな段階に入ることに同意した」と成果を強調した。だが、策定時期などは明示されず、実質的な前進はなかった。
The proposed code of conduct is to be a set of legally binding rules that would regulate behavior of such countries as China, the Philippines and Vietnam that are disputing territory in the South China Sea. Studies are being made to incorporate in the code of conduct such rules contained in the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea and creation of a framework to oversee the behavior of the respective countries concerned.
行動規範は領有権を争う中国とフィリピンやベトナムなど関係国の行動を法的に拘束するものだ。国連海洋法条約の尊重や各国の行動を監視する枠組みの創設などを盛り込むことを検討している。
It appears that China, while showing that it is prepared to sit at the negotiating table with ASEAN, wants to prevent the United States from having any say in the region, in a bid to claim the South China Sea as “China’s own waters.”
中国はＡＳＥＡＮとの協議に応じる一方で、米国の影響力を排除し、南シナ海を「自国の海」として囲い込むつもりなのだろう。
If a code of conduct was actually drawn up, Beijing probably would try to make its binding power as weak as possible, with the aim of emasculating the content of the pact.
仮に行動規範をまとめる場合でも、できるだけ拘束力を弱め、中身を骨抜きにする意図があるのではないか。
Bid to divide ASEAN members
The main reason for the failure to make progress in the talks, which began in September 2013, is China’s efforts to stymie progress, as Beijing is averse to any attempt to put constraints on its endeavor to change the status quo.
２０１３年９月に始まった協議が進展しない最大の原因は、自らの現状変更の試みが制約されるのを嫌う中国の消極姿勢にある。
Meanwhile, China is going all-out to reclaim reefs of the Spratly Islands one after another, by building such installations as a 3,000-meter-class runway and military facilities. Should a surveillance network with radar be installed there, there would be fears that a huge area of the South China Sea would come under the influence of China.
この間、中国はスプラトリー（南沙）諸島で岩礁を次々に埋め立てて、３０００メートル級滑走路や軍事施設の建設を急いでいる。監視レーダー網が設置されれば、南シナ海の広大な区域が中国の影響下に入ることも懸念される。
It goes without saying that China, a major power that should fulfill its responsibility to ensure the region’s peace and stability, is responsible for the strained situation in the South China Sea.
地域の平和と安定に責任を果たすべき大国である中国が南シナ海情勢を緊張させていることは、看過できない。
In the middle of this week, foreign ministers and other officials from Japan, the United States, China, ASEAN members and others will hold the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in Kuala Lumpur to discuss security issues. The discussion will focus on such issues as “freedom of navigation” in the South China Sea.
今週半ばには、日米中やＡＳＥＡＮなどの外相らがクアラルンプールで、安全保障問題を話し合うＡＳＥＡＮ地域フォーラム（ＡＲＦ）を開催する。南シナ海の「航行の自由」などが焦点となる。
China presumably used the senior officials’ talks last week ahead of the ARF meeting to cause internal divisions within ASEAN, probably aimed at isolating the Philippines, as problems between the two countries have intensified.
中国はその前の高官協議でＡＳＥＡＮ内部を分断し、中国との対立が先鋭化するフィリピンを孤立させる思惑もあったのだろう。
Problematic in this connection is that on the eve of the talks, Chinese forces carried out military exercises in the vicinity of Hainan Island in the South China Sea that were one of the largest in scale ever carried out by the Chinese military, with more than 100 vessels, scores of aircraft and strategic missile troops mobilized. The war games were apparently designed to keep the U.S. forces, which have been beefing up surveillance activities in the South China Sea, in check.
問題なのは、中国軍が協議前日、南シナ海の海南島周辺で、艦艇１００隻以上と航空機数十機、戦略ミサイル部隊による過去最大規模の演習を行ったことだ。南シナ海の警戒監視を強める米国を牽制けんせいする狙いがあるとみられる。
Japan, in cooperation with such countries as the United States and the Philippines, must press China repeatedly to help draw up an effective code of conduct as early as possible and suspend the projects to militarize the reefs in the South China Sea.
日本は、米国やフィリピンなど関係国と連携し、実効性のある行動規範の早期策定と、南シナ海での軍事拠点化の中止を、中国に繰り返し促さねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 3, 2015)
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Small, midsize companies must be helped amid minimum wage hikes
最低賃金上げ 中小企業の体力強化が重要だ
Increasing minimum wages is of key importance to shoring up consumer spending and materializing stable economic growth.
賃金の底上げは、消費を下支えし、安定した経済成長を実現するためにも重要である。
A Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry panel — the Central Minimum Wages Council — has decided on a bellwether for minimum hourly wages for fiscal 2015, calling for minimum wages to be raised by a national average of ¥18. This is the steepest increase since fiscal 2002, when the government started indicating a bellwether minimum hourly wage.
厚生労働省の中央最低賃金審議会が、２０１５年度の最低賃金（時給）について、全国平均で１８円引き上げるという目安を決定した。目安を時給で示すようになった０２年度以降で、最大の上げ幅だ。
Using the bellwether as a reference, respective prefectural government councils will set increases in minimum wages based on the circumstances of their regional economies.
目安を参考に、各都道府県の審議会が地域の実情を踏まえて、それぞれの引き上げ額を決める。
Minimum wages are applied to all workers in all fields of businesses in each prefecture, and it is illegal to pay less than the minimum.
最低賃金は、すべての労働者に適用される。この金額を下回る賃金は違法となる。
If minimum wages are raised in line with the bellwether, the national average will stand at ¥798 per hour. Full-time employees working for the minimum wage would take home about ¥130,000, up around ¥3,000 from the previous year.
目安通りになれば、最低賃金は全国平均で７９８円になる。フルタイムで働いた場合の月収は約１３万円で、前年より３０００円程度増える計算だ。
Mainly because of an increasing number of nonregular workers, approximately 1.9 million people now work for minimum wage. If materialized, the recommended minimum wage hike would directly improve such people’s working conditions. This is of considerable significance.
非正規労働者の増加を背景に、最低賃金で働く人は１９０万人に上る。引き上げは、こうした人たちの処遇改善に直結する。その意義は小さくない。
In this spring’s annual shunto pay raise negotiations between labor unions and employers, many companies — especially big ones that saw their business results improve — granted large pay hikes. But such pay raises have yet to spread to small and midsize enterprises and nonregular workers.
今春闘では、好業績の大企業を中心に大幅賃上げが相次いだ。だが、中小・零細企業や非正規労働者への波及は遅れている。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has expressed a strong intention to realize a sharp increase in minimum wages, instructing his Cabinet members in charge of economic affairs to proactively press the issue. It was apparently aimed at spreading the trend toward higher wages to a wide spectrum of employees to ensure the effects of his Abenomics economic policy permeate.
安倍首相は、最低賃金の大幅アップに強い意欲を示し、関係閣僚に前向きな取り組みを指示していた。賃上げの流れを幅広い層に広げ、経済政策「アベノミクス」の効果を浸透させる狙いだろう。
Regional gaps must be fixed
But it remains a question whether small and midsize companies, the business environment of which has remained stringent, can afford large pay raises. Many such companies have been plagued with ballooning raw-material costs and related expenditures because of the yen’s weakening.
問題は、厳しい経営状況にある中小・零細企業が、大幅な引き上げに対応できるかどうかだ。円安による原材料費などの高騰に苦しんでいる企業は多い。
Will some companies find themselves unable to afford rises in personnel costs due to higher minimum wages and therefore cut their payrolls? The government should be vigilant in this respect.
最低賃金引き上げによる人件費の増加に耐えられず、雇用の縮小に動く企業はないか。政府はきちんと目配りする必要がある。
It is important to craft an environment in which businesses feel comfortable about raising wages.
企業が無理なく賃上げを続けられる環境の整備が大切だ。
To this end, it is essential to strengthen the management of small and midsize enterprises. Government assistance for such projects as investment in plants and equipment that would enhance productivity should be further expanded.
中小企業の経営体力を強化することが欠かせない。生産性アップに役立つ設備投資などへの政策支援を拡充したい。
It is also important to extend support for job skills training for employees to enable them to find jobs with more favorable working conditions. In this connection, job training programs should be enhanced.
労働者の技能向上を後押しして、より好条件の仕事に就けるようにすることも有効だろう。職業訓練の充実が求められる。
One problem is that regional disparities in minimum wages have been widening.
気がかりなのは、最低賃金の地域格差が拡大していることだ。
According to the council’s bellwether for minimum hourly wages, Tokyo tops the list of minimum wages with ¥907. But in seven prefectures, including Okinawa and Tottori, the minimum wage is ¥693. The difference between the highest and lowest minimum wages stands at ¥214, an increase by ¥3 from fiscal 2014. The gap is more than twice that in fiscal 2002.
目安では、最高の東京都９０７円に対し、最低の鳥取、沖縄など７県は６９３円にとどまる。その差は昨年度比３円増の２１４円となった。０２年度の２倍超だ。
A continuation in the outflow of workers from regions with low pay into major urban areas could jeopardize the government’s goal of vitalizing regional economies.
低賃金の地方から都市部への人口流出が続けば、地方創生も望めない。
Efforts in both the private and public sectors must be redoubled to rectify the regional minimum wage disparities by creating jobs attractive to people in nonmetropolitan regions.
地方に魅力ある雇用を生み出し、格差を是正するため、官民で大いに知恵を絞りたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 2, 2015)
Small, midsize companies must be helped amid minimum wage hikes
最低賃金上げ 中小企業の体力強化が重要だ
Increasing minimum wages is of key importance to shoring up consumer spending and materializing stable economic growth.
賃金の底上げは、消費を下支えし、安定した経済成長を実現するためにも重要である。
A Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry panel — the Central Minimum Wages Council — has decided on a bellwether for minimum hourly wages for fiscal 2015, calling for minimum wages to be raised by a national average of ¥18. This is the steepest increase since fiscal 2002, when the government started indicating a bellwether minimum hourly wage.
厚生労働省の中央最低賃金審議会が、２０１５年度の最低賃金（時給）について、全国平均で１８円引き上げるという目安を決定した。目安を時給で示すようになった０２年度以降で、最大の上げ幅だ。
Using the bellwether as a reference, respective prefectural government councils will set increases in minimum wages based on the circumstances of their regional economies.
目安を参考に、各都道府県の審議会が地域の実情を踏まえて、それぞれの引き上げ額を決める。
Minimum wages are applied to all workers in all fields of businesses in each prefecture, and it is illegal to pay less than the minimum.
最低賃金は、すべての労働者に適用される。この金額を下回る賃金は違法となる。
If minimum wages are raised in line with the bellwether, the national average will stand at ¥798 per hour. Full-time employees working for the minimum wage would take home about ¥130,000, up around ¥3,000 from the previous year.
目安通りになれば、最低賃金は全国平均で７９８円になる。フルタイムで働いた場合の月収は約１３万円で、前年より３０００円程度増える計算だ。
Mainly because of an increasing number of nonregular workers, approximately 1.9 million people now work for minimum wage. If materialized, the recommended minimum wage hike would directly improve such people’s working conditions. This is of considerable significance.
非正規労働者の増加を背景に、最低賃金で働く人は１９０万人に上る。引き上げは、こうした人たちの処遇改善に直結する。その意義は小さくない。
In this spring’s annual shunto pay raise negotiations between labor unions and employers, many companies — especially big ones that saw their business results improve — granted large pay hikes. But such pay raises have yet to spread to small and midsize enterprises and nonregular workers.
今春闘では、好業績の大企業を中心に大幅賃上げが相次いだ。だが、中小・零細企業や非正規労働者への波及は遅れている。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has expressed a strong intention to realize a sharp increase in minimum wages, instructing his Cabinet members in charge of economic affairs to proactively press the issue. It was apparently aimed at spreading the trend toward higher wages to a wide spectrum of employees to ensure the effects of his Abenomics economic policy permeate.
安倍首相は、最低賃金の大幅アップに強い意欲を示し、関係閣僚に前向きな取り組みを指示していた。賃上げの流れを幅広い層に広げ、経済政策「アベノミクス」の効果を浸透させる狙いだろう。
Regional gaps must be fixed
But it remains a question whether small and midsize companies, the business environment of which has remained stringent, can afford large pay raises. Many such companies have been plagued with ballooning raw-material costs and related expenditures because of the yen’s weakening.
問題は、厳しい経営状況にある中小・零細企業が、大幅な引き上げに対応できるかどうかだ。円安による原材料費などの高騰に苦しんでいる企業は多い。
Will some companies find themselves unable to afford rises in personnel costs due to higher minimum wages and therefore cut their payrolls? The government should be vigilant in this respect.
最低賃金引き上げによる人件費の増加に耐えられず、雇用の縮小に動く企業はないか。政府はきちんと目配りする必要がある。
It is important to craft an environment in which businesses feel comfortable about raising wages.
企業が無理なく賃上げを続けられる環境の整備が大切だ。
To this end, it is essential to strengthen the management of small and midsize enterprises. Government assistance for such projects as investment in plants and equipment that would enhance productivity should be further expanded.
中小企業の経営体力を強化することが欠かせない。生産性アップに役立つ設備投資などへの政策支援を拡充したい。
It is also important to extend support for job skills training for employees to enable them to find jobs with more favorable working conditions. In this connection, job training programs should be enhanced.
労働者の技能向上を後押しして、より好条件の仕事に就けるようにすることも有効だろう。職業訓練の充実が求められる。
One problem is that regional disparities in minimum wages have been widening.
気がかりなのは、最低賃金の地域格差が拡大していることだ。
According to the council’s bellwether for minimum hourly wages, Tokyo tops the list of minimum wages with ¥907. But in seven prefectures, including Okinawa and Tottori, the minimum wage is ¥693. The difference between the highest and lowest minimum wages stands at ¥214, an increase by ¥3 from fiscal 2014. The gap is more than twice that in fiscal 2002.
目安では、最高の東京都９０７円に対し、最低の鳥取、沖縄など７県は６９３円にとどまる。その差は昨年度比３円増の２１４円となった。０２年度の２倍超だ。
A continuation in the outflow of workers from regions with low pay into major urban areas could jeopardize the government’s goal of vitalizing regional economies.
低賃金の地方から都市部への人口流出が続けば、地方創生も望めない。
Efforts in both the private and public sectors must be redoubled to rectify the regional minimum wage disparities by creating jobs attractive to people in nonmetropolitan regions.
地方に魅力ある雇用を生み出し、格差を是正するため、官民で大いに知恵を絞りたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 2, 2015)
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Judicial review panel condemns ex-TEPCO execs for negligence
東電「強制起訴」 高度な注意義務求めた検察審
Executives must face criminal charges for their failure to take sufficient measures to prevent a disaster even though it was caused by an unprecedented natural disaster. This appears to be the judgment of a citizens prosecution inquest panel.
未曽有の自然災害が原因でも、事故の防止策を十分に講じなかった刑事責任を経営陣は問われるべきだ。それが市民で構成する検察審査会の判断なのだろう。
Concerning the nuclear disaster that occurred at Tokyo Electric Power Co.’s Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, the judicial review panel voted for a second time Friday that three of the then top executives of the utility, including chairman Tsunehisa Katsumata, should be indicted on charges of professional negligence resulting in death and injury. Prosecutors have twice previously decided not to indict them.
東京電力福島第一原子力発電所の事故を巡り、検察審査会は、検察が不起訴とした勝俣恒久元会長ら当時の経営陣３人を、業務上過失致死傷罪で起訴すべきだとする２度目の議決をした。
As a result, the three former executives will have to stand trial after being forcibly indicted.
これにより、３人は強制起訴され、裁判が開かれる。
The panel condemned Katsumata and two other executives, charging that they continued to operate the nuclear plant without taking necessary safety steps and that this led to the disaster caused by the tsunami, which resulted in reactor core damage.
勝俣元会長らは、必要な安全対策を取らないまま、漫然と原発の稼働を継続させた結果、東日本大震災の津波により、炉心損傷などの重大事故を発生させた。検察審は議決で指弾した。
True, TEPCO had operated under a safety myth. The utility cannot be allowed to evade responsibility for having caused such social and economic damage as a result of dispersing radioactive substances.
確かに、東電は安全神話にとらわれていた。結果的に放射性物質を拡散させ、社会・経済に深刻な打撃を与えた責任は免れない。
But under the criminal code, individuals are charged with criminal responsibility, not businesses. To file a charge for professional negligence resulting in death and injury, it is necessary to prove that the accused was guilty of negligence evidently while recognizing concrete dangers, not just having a vague sense of alarm.
ただし、刑法上、刑事責任の対象は企業ではなく、あくまで個人だ。業務上過失致死傷罪を適用するには、漠然とした危機感にとどまらず、具体的な危険を認識しながら、明白な過失を犯していたことを立証する必要がある。
Duty to ensure safety
The panel said: “Those in responsible positions in nuclear power generation are responsible for preparing measures by taking into consideration every possibility of a serious accident being caused by tsunami.”
検察審は「原子力発電に関わる責任ある地位の者は、重大事故を引き起こす津波が『万が一にも』発生する場合まで考慮して備える責務がある」と指摘した。
This reflects the panel’s view that executives of power companies have a higher obligation of diligence than usual.
電力会社の役員には、通常よりも高度な注意義務があるという検察審の見方が表れている。
Based on the analysis of a government institution, TEPCO estimated in 2008 that the highest conceivable tsunami could be more than 15 meters high. The panel cited this estimate to argue that the former TEPCO executives could have foreseen the damage.
東電は２００８年、政府機関の分析を踏まえ、襲来する津波の高さを１５メートル超と試算した。検察審はこの点を、元会長らに予見可能性があったことの根拠に挙げた。
But according to interviews with experts, the prosecutors had recognized that the data of the government institution had a low degree of reliability and concluded that it was difficult at the time to recognize the actual possibility of such a gigantic tsunami.
だが、検察は専門家の聴取結果から、政府機関の分析は信頼度が低く、当時、巨大津波が発生する現実的可能性を認識するのは難しかったと結論づけていた。
In judging whether there was negligence, the key point is whether the former top executives committed professional negligence by leaving an apparent danger unaddressed based on the state of scientific knowledge before the nuclear disaster. We wonder whether the panel held sufficient discussions in this connection.
過失の有無の判断では、原発事故が起きる前の科学的知見などを前提として、元会長らが職務上、明白な危険を放置していたかどうかがポイントになる。検察審は、こうした観点からの議論を十分に尽くしたのだろうか。
We want the court to hold prudent hearings in light of evidence.
裁判所には、証拠に照らした慎重な審理を望みたい。
Most important of all is to use lessons from the Fukushima nuclear disaster to prevent a recurrence of a similar crisis.
何より大事なのは、事故の教訓を再発防止につなげることだ。
Nuclear regulation standards were made stricter in the aftermath of the Fukushima disaster. Based on new regulation standards, the Nuclear Regulation Authority has been conducting safety screenings of nuclear power plants in various places around the country based on new regulation criteria, a process that is necessary to restart nuclear power plants. It is imperative for utilities to conduct risk management thoroughly, thereby enhancing the safety of nuclear plants.
事故後、原発の規制基準は厳格化された。原子力規制委員会は新たな基準に基づき、各地の原発の再稼働に必要な安全審査を進めている。電力会社がリスク管理を徹底し、原発の安全性を高めることが肝要である。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 1, 2015)
Judicial review panel condemns ex-TEPCO execs for negligence
東電「強制起訴」 高度な注意義務求めた検察審
Executives must face criminal charges for their failure to take sufficient measures to prevent a disaster even though it was caused by an unprecedented natural disaster. This appears to be the judgment of a citizens prosecution inquest panel.
未曽有の自然災害が原因でも、事故の防止策を十分に講じなかった刑事責任を経営陣は問われるべきだ。それが市民で構成する検察審査会の判断なのだろう。
Concerning the nuclear disaster that occurred at Tokyo Electric Power Co.’s Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, the judicial review panel voted for a second time Friday that three of the then top executives of the utility, including chairman Tsunehisa Katsumata, should be indicted on charges of professional negligence resulting in death and injury. Prosecutors have twice previously decided not to indict them.
東京電力福島第一原子力発電所の事故を巡り、検察審査会は、検察が不起訴とした勝俣恒久元会長ら当時の経営陣３人を、業務上過失致死傷罪で起訴すべきだとする２度目の議決をした。
As a result, the three former executives will have to stand trial after being forcibly indicted.
これにより、３人は強制起訴され、裁判が開かれる。
The panel condemned Katsumata and two other executives, charging that they continued to operate the nuclear plant without taking necessary safety steps and that this led to the disaster caused by the tsunami, which resulted in reactor core damage.
勝俣元会長らは、必要な安全対策を取らないまま、漫然と原発の稼働を継続させた結果、東日本大震災の津波により、炉心損傷などの重大事故を発生させた。検察審は議決で指弾した。
True, TEPCO had operated under a safety myth. The utility cannot be allowed to evade responsibility for having caused such social and economic damage as a result of dispersing radioactive substances.
確かに、東電は安全神話にとらわれていた。結果的に放射性物質を拡散させ、社会・経済に深刻な打撃を与えた責任は免れない。
But under the criminal code, individuals are charged with criminal responsibility, not businesses. To file a charge for professional negligence resulting in death and injury, it is necessary to prove that the accused was guilty of negligence evidently while recognizing concrete dangers, not just having a vague sense of alarm.
ただし、刑法上、刑事責任の対象は企業ではなく、あくまで個人だ。業務上過失致死傷罪を適用するには、漠然とした危機感にとどまらず、具体的な危険を認識しながら、明白な過失を犯していたことを立証する必要がある。
Duty to ensure safety
The panel said: “Those in responsible positions in nuclear power generation are responsible for preparing measures by taking into consideration every possibility of a serious accident being caused by tsunami.”
検察審は「原子力発電に関わる責任ある地位の者は、重大事故を引き起こす津波が『万が一にも』発生する場合まで考慮して備える責務がある」と指摘した。
This reflects the panel’s view that executives of power companies have a higher obligation of diligence than usual.
電力会社の役員には、通常よりも高度な注意義務があるという検察審の見方が表れている。
Based on the analysis of a government institution, TEPCO estimated in 2008 that the highest conceivable tsunami could be more than 15 meters high. The panel cited this estimate to argue that the former TEPCO executives could have foreseen the damage.
東電は２００８年、政府機関の分析を踏まえ、襲来する津波の高さを１５メートル超と試算した。検察審はこの点を、元会長らに予見可能性があったことの根拠に挙げた。
But according to interviews with experts, the prosecutors had recognized that the data of the government institution had a low degree of reliability and concluded that it was difficult at the time to recognize the actual possibility of such a gigantic tsunami.
だが、検察は専門家の聴取結果から、政府機関の分析は信頼度が低く、当時、巨大津波が発生する現実的可能性を認識するのは難しかったと結論づけていた。
In judging whether there was negligence, the key point is whether the former top executives committed professional negligence by leaving an apparent danger unaddressed based on the state of scientific knowledge before the nuclear disaster. We wonder whether the panel held sufficient discussions in this connection.
過失の有無の判断では、原発事故が起きる前の科学的知見などを前提として、元会長らが職務上、明白な危険を放置していたかどうかがポイントになる。検察審は、こうした観点からの議論を十分に尽くしたのだろうか。
We want the court to hold prudent hearings in light of evidence.
裁判所には、証拠に照らした慎重な審理を望みたい。
Most important of all is to use lessons from the Fukushima nuclear disaster to prevent a recurrence of a similar crisis.
何より大事なのは、事故の教訓を再発防止につなげることだ。
Nuclear regulation standards were made stricter in the aftermath of the Fukushima disaster. Based on new regulation standards, the Nuclear Regulation Authority has been conducting safety screenings of nuclear power plants in various places around the country based on new regulation criteria, a process that is necessary to restart nuclear power plants. It is imperative for utilities to conduct risk management thoroughly, thereby enhancing the safety of nuclear plants.
事故後、原発の規制基準は厳格化された。原子力規制委員会は新たな基準に基づき、各地の原発の再稼働に必要な安全審査を進めている。電力会社がリスク管理を徹底し、原発の安全性を高めることが肝要である。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 1, 2015)
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Great anxiety as un-snowy Beijing picked to host ’22 Winter Olympics
北京冬季五輪 雪不足の地では不安が大きい
The International Olympic Committee has chosen Beijing as the host city for the 2022 Winter Olympics.
国際オリンピック委員会（ＩＯＣ）が、２０２２年冬季五輪の開催都市を北京に決めた。
It will be the first city in Olympic history to host both summer and winter Games since Beijing already hosted the 2008 Summer Games. We hope Beijing will expend all possible efforts in making perfect preparations.
０８年の夏季五輪に続く史上初の夏冬開催だ。準備に万全を期してもらいたい。
Beijing won a one-to-one duel with Kazakhstan’s Almaty by stressing the stability of its financial resources supported by the Chinese government and a wealth of experience in organizing international athletic events.
北京は、中国政府の支援を受けた安定した財源や、国際大会の豊富な運営経験などをアピールし、アルマトイ（カザフスタン）との一騎打ちを制した。
Hosting the Winter Olympics has a public approval rating of 92 percent in China. Chinese President Xi Jinping apparently intends to maintain his government’s leadership and boost the nation’s prestige by hosting an Olympiad again.
冬季五輪開催に対する中国国民の支持率は、９２％に上っている。再度の五輪開催を勝ち取ることで、政権への求心力を維持し、国威発揚につなげようという習近平国家主席の意図は明白だろう。
Meanwhile, there are many worries about Beijing’s plan to host the Olympics. First, Beijing receives only light snow each winter. Competitions to be held within the city will mainly be skating events. Skiing and other events are planned to be held in Zhangjiakou, Hebei Province, located next to Beijing. However, Zhangjiakou has to rely on artificial snow that is inferior in quality to natural snow.
一方で、北京の開催計画には不安が多い。そもそも、北京は降雪量が少ない。市内では主にスケート競技が行われる。スキー競技などは隣接する河北省張家口で実施する予定だが、ここでも雪質が劣る人工雪に頼らざるを得ない。
To make a huge amount of artificial snow, water from a reservoir will be used. Though the delegation from Beijing stressed at the IOC plenary meeting that it will hardly have an impact on the environment, some experts pointed out the possibility of negative effects on water resources.
貯水池の水で大量の人工雪を作ることについて、北京の代表団は、ＩＯＣ総会で「環境には、ほとんど影響がない」と強調したが、水資源への悪影響が指摘される。
Many problems ahead
Also, deep concerns are expressed over Beijing’s air pollution.
大気汚染への懸念も強い。
When it hosted the 2008 Olympic and Paralympic Games, the city decided to enforce heavy-handed traffic controls and to suspend operations of factories to show the world a blue sky.
北京は０８年の五輪当時、青空を見せるために、強引な交通規制や工場の稼働停止に踏み切った。
Beijing Mayor Wang Anshun told IOC members this time that the city is working hard to be a clean-energy city. But, it remains a question how much the air pollution will be reduced in the next seven years.
王安順・北京市長は今回、「クリーンエネルギー型都市へ邁進まいしんしている」と、ＩＯＣ委員に訴えた。あと７年で汚染がどこまで改善するのだろうか。
Though the city has various problems, the right to host the 2022 Games has rolled into Beijing because other promising cities, such as Oslo, pulled out of the bidding race one after another.
様々な問題点を抱えながらも、オスロなどの有力都市が次々と招致レースから撤退したため、北京に開催権が転がり込んだ形だ。
A huge financial burden is the main reason why more and more cities are becoming hesitant to bid to host a Winter Olympics. Russia spent a huge amount of money, said to be ¥5 trillion, on the 2014 Sochi Olympics. This no doubt has made more cities back away from bidding to host a Winter Games.
冬季五輪開催に尻込みする都市が増えている最大の要因は、重い財政負担だ。１４年ソチ五輪に、ロシアが５兆円と言われる巨費を投じたことが、敬遠ムードに拍車をかけたのは間違いない。
The costs of building a ski jump and courses for sledding events such as bobsledding for a Winter Games are huge. They are likely to be a negative legacy because fewer users are expected at them after the Olympics compared to venues for a Summer Games.
冬季五輪では、スキーのジャンプ台やボブスレーといったそり競技のコース整備などに費用がかさむ。夏季五輪の競技場に比べ、五輪後の利用者は限られるため、負の遺産になりかねない。
But the Summer Games are also growing expensive. For instance, Boston decided to exit the bidding to host the 2024 Summer Olympics.
夏季五輪についても、２４年の開催を目指していた米国のボストンが撤退した。
The IOC has naturally become concerned over the situation and launched an Olympic reform urging utilization of existing facilities to reduce financial burdens on host cities.
ＩＯＣが危機感を持ち、開催都市の負担軽減のために、既存施設の活用などを促す五輪改革に乗り出したのは、必然の流れだ。
Asian cities are now set to host two Winter Olympic Games in a row, with Pyeongchang, South Korea, in 2018 and Beijing in 2022. Sapporo has already announced its bid to host the 2026 Winter Olympics. If it is named an official candidate of Japan, Sapporo will need to make strategic bidding efforts.
１８年冬季五輪は韓国の平昌、２２年は北京と、アジアでの開催が続くことになった。２６年五輪の招致には、札幌が名乗りを上げている。正式に国内候補地となれば、戦略的な招致活動が求められよう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 1, 2015)
Great anxiety as un-snowy Beijing picked to host ’22 Winter Olympics
北京冬季五輪 雪不足の地では不安が大きい
The International Olympic Committee has chosen Beijing as the host city for the 2022 Winter Olympics.
国際オリンピック委員会（ＩＯＣ）が、２０２２年冬季五輪の開催都市を北京に決めた。
It will be the first city in Olympic history to host both summer and winter Games since Beijing already hosted the 2008 Summer Games. We hope Beijing will expend all possible efforts in making perfect preparations.
０８年の夏季五輪に続く史上初の夏冬開催だ。準備に万全を期してもらいたい。
Beijing won a one-to-one duel with Kazakhstan’s Almaty by stressing the stability of its financial resources supported by the Chinese government and a wealth of experience in organizing international athletic events.
北京は、中国政府の支援を受けた安定した財源や、国際大会の豊富な運営経験などをアピールし、アルマトイ（カザフスタン）との一騎打ちを制した。
Hosting the Winter Olympics has a public approval rating of 92 percent in China. Chinese President Xi Jinping apparently intends to maintain his government’s leadership and boost the nation’s prestige by hosting an Olympiad again.
冬季五輪開催に対する中国国民の支持率は、９２％に上っている。再度の五輪開催を勝ち取ることで、政権への求心力を維持し、国威発揚につなげようという習近平国家主席の意図は明白だろう。
Meanwhile, there are many worries about Beijing’s plan to host the Olympics. First, Beijing receives only light snow each winter. Competitions to be held within the city will mainly be skating events. Skiing and other events are planned to be held in Zhangjiakou, Hebei Province, located next to Beijing. However, Zhangjiakou has to rely on artificial snow that is inferior in quality to natural snow.
一方で、北京の開催計画には不安が多い。そもそも、北京は降雪量が少ない。市内では主にスケート競技が行われる。スキー競技などは隣接する河北省張家口で実施する予定だが、ここでも雪質が劣る人工雪に頼らざるを得ない。
To make a huge amount of artificial snow, water from a reservoir will be used. Though the delegation from Beijing stressed at the IOC plenary meeting that it will hardly have an impact on the environment, some experts pointed out the possibility of negative effects on water resources.
貯水池の水で大量の人工雪を作ることについて、北京の代表団は、ＩＯＣ総会で「環境には、ほとんど影響がない」と強調したが、水資源への悪影響が指摘される。
Many problems ahead
Also, deep concerns are expressed over Beijing’s air pollution.
大気汚染への懸念も強い。
When it hosted the 2008 Olympic and Paralympic Games, the city decided to enforce heavy-handed traffic controls and to suspend operations of factories to show the world a blue sky.
北京は０８年の五輪当時、青空を見せるために、強引な交通規制や工場の稼働停止に踏み切った。
Beijing Mayor Wang Anshun told IOC members this time that the city is working hard to be a clean-energy city. But, it remains a question how much the air pollution will be reduced in the next seven years.
王安順・北京市長は今回、「クリーンエネルギー型都市へ邁進まいしんしている」と、ＩＯＣ委員に訴えた。あと７年で汚染がどこまで改善するのだろうか。
Though the city has various problems, the right to host the 2022 Games has rolled into Beijing because other promising cities, such as Oslo, pulled out of the bidding race one after another.
様々な問題点を抱えながらも、オスロなどの有力都市が次々と招致レースから撤退したため、北京に開催権が転がり込んだ形だ。
A huge financial burden is the main reason why more and more cities are becoming hesitant to bid to host a Winter Olympics. Russia spent a huge amount of money, said to be ¥5 trillion, on the 2014 Sochi Olympics. This no doubt has made more cities back away from bidding to host a Winter Games.
冬季五輪開催に尻込みする都市が増えている最大の要因は、重い財政負担だ。１４年ソチ五輪に、ロシアが５兆円と言われる巨費を投じたことが、敬遠ムードに拍車をかけたのは間違いない。
The costs of building a ski jump and courses for sledding events such as bobsledding for a Winter Games are huge. They are likely to be a negative legacy because fewer users are expected at them after the Olympics compared to venues for a Summer Games.
冬季五輪では、スキーのジャンプ台やボブスレーといったそり競技のコース整備などに費用がかさむ。夏季五輪の競技場に比べ、五輪後の利用者は限られるため、負の遺産になりかねない。
But the Summer Games are also growing expensive. For instance, Boston decided to exit the bidding to host the 2024 Summer Olympics.
夏季五輪についても、２４年の開催を目指していた米国のボストンが撤退した。
The IOC has naturally become concerned over the situation and launched an Olympic reform urging utilization of existing facilities to reduce financial burdens on host cities.
ＩＯＣが危機感を持ち、開催都市の負担軽減のために、既存施設の活用などを促す五輪改革に乗り出したのは、必然の流れだ。
Asian cities are now set to host two Winter Olympic Games in a row, with Pyeongchang, South Korea, in 2018 and Beijing in 2022. Sapporo has already announced its bid to host the 2026 Winter Olympics. If it is named an official candidate of Japan, Sapporo will need to make strategic bidding efforts.
１８年冬季五輪は韓国の平昌、２２年は北京と、アジアでの開催が続くことになった。２６年五輪の招致には、札幌が名乗りを上げている。正式に国内候補地となれば、戦略的な招致活動が求められよう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 1, 2015)
--The Asahi Shimbun, July 29
EDITORIAL: Common sense lacking in Upper House electoral reform
（社説）参院選挙改革 大きな汚点を残した
The revised Public Offices Election Law was enacted on July 28, clearing the way for the implementation of a “plus 10, minus 10” formula to reform the Upper House electoral system. Under this formula for seat redistribution, the Shimane and Tottori constituencies are being merged, as are the Tokushima and Kochi constituencies.
鳥取と島根、徳島と高知をそれぞれ「合区」するなどして、参院の定数を「１０増１０減」する改正公職選挙法が成立した。
For the first time in the history of Upper House elections, prefectural voting districts are being merged.
都道府県単位の選挙区が統合されるのは、参院選が始まって以来初めてのことだ。
Thanks to the legal revision, Japan will at least not commit the folly of going ahead with the Upper House election next summer in disregard of the Supreme Court’s ruling in November 2014 that the 2013 poll in the chamber was held “in a state of unconstitutionality” due to disparity in vote value.
最高裁に「違憲状態」だと指摘されたまま、来年夏の参院選に突入する愚だけはかろうじて避けられた。
However, the revised law was approved in the Upper House plenary session on July 24 by a narrow margin of 131 to 103. And six Liberal Democratic Party legislators representing the four above-mentioned prefectures walked out before balloting, even though the amendment bill had been under deliberation for nearly two years.
しかし、参院本会議での採決は、賛成１３１、反対１０３という小差。合区対象となる４県選出の自民党議員６人は退席した。
２年近くかけて議論してきたにもかかわらず、である。
It is fundamental to democratic procedures that the people’s elected representatives deliberate on issues thoroughly, coordinate conflicting opinions and reach a consensus that serves the public interest. And especially when the subject of discussion is the nation’s election system--which forms the basis of representative democracy--whatever decision that is reached must have broad, suprapartisan support.
議論を尽くし、意見の違いを調整して、公共の利益にかなう結論を出す。それが民主主義的手続きの基本である。とりわけ代表民主制の基礎となる選挙制度は、党派を超えた幅広い合意のうえで決めるのが筋だ。
But what stood out this time was the indolence of the ruling LDP that should have been leading the deliberations. Reacting only haphazardly to developments, the party presented a “plus 6, minus 6” formula that would have resulted in a vote-disparity ratio of more than 4 to 1. The LDP waited until there was only about one year left before the next Upper House election before going along, albeit reluctantly, with the “plus 10, minus 10” formula proposed by four opposition parties, including the Japan Innovation Party.
それなのに、際だったのは議論を主導すべき自民党の怠慢である。最大格差が４倍を上回る「６増６減」案を示すなど、場当たり的な対応を重ねたあげく、来年の参院選が約１年後に迫るなか、維新の党など野党４党が出した「１０増１０減」の「助け舟」にしぶしぶ乗った。
But even with this formula, the maximum vote-disparity ratio is 2.97 to 1. The grave question remains as to whether this really meets the constitutional requirement that all ballots be equal in value.
それでも一票の最大格差は、２・９７倍もある。憲法が求める「投票価値の平等」にこたえ得るか、深刻な疑問符がつく。
Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner, co-sponsored with the opposition Democratic Party of Japan and others a bill calling for the creation of “10 merged constituencies.” With a vote-disparity ratio of 1.95 to 1 at most, this was obviously a better choice than the “plus 10, minus 10” formula in terms of reducing the vote-disparity ratio. But even though the Komeito-DPJ formula should be used at least for the Upper House election next summer, it was hardly discussed in the Diet.
一方、民主、公明両党などが共同提出した「１０合区」案は、最大格差が１・９５倍。一票の不平等を正すという点では自民党案よりはましである。少なくとも来年の参院選はこちらで行うべきだったが、国会ではほとんど議論されなかった。
In short, we, the sovereign people, were not even given a chance to get to know and think about this alternative. We were simply forced to accept the Diet’s decision.
主権者である国民は考える機会も材料も与えられないまま、結論だけが押しつけられた形だ。
The revised Public Offices Election Law comes with this supplementary provision: “Studies shall continue to fundamentally review the election system, and a conclusion shall be reached at all costs.” But except for the expression “at all costs,” this provision is merely a rehash of the supplementary provision that was attached to the election law revised three years ago, when the current election system was adopted under a “plus 4, minus 4” formula.
今回、改正法の付則にはこんな一文が盛り込まれた。「選挙制度の抜本的な見直しについて引き続き検討を行い、必ず結論を得るものとする」。しかしこれは３年前、「４増４減」して現行制度に改めた時の付則に「必ず」が加わっただけだ。
Whether the merging of constituencies is the best solution is subject to debate. Assuming Japan’s population will continue to shrink and people will keep moving to the big cities, the electoral map will have to be redrawn time and again, necessitating a series of stopgap mergers.
合区が最善かには議論の余地がある。日本の人口減少と都市への人口集中が進めば、今後も同じような小手先の数字合わせが繰り返され、ずるずる合区を重ねる事態になりかねない。
Is that really what this nation needs? To answer this question, we must discuss the fundamental question: What is the role of the Upper House?
それでいいのか？ その答えを探るためにも、「参院の役割とは何か」を根本から議論する必要がある。
But through all these years, Upper House members have failed to answer the question every time, and merely resorted to stopgap measures. When will those legislators ever realize how much they have damaged their own credibility and the image of the Upper House as “the seat of common sense and decency”?
ところが毎回、答えを出せないまま、弥縫（びほう）策でお茶を濁す。その繰り返しが、自らの正統性と「良識の府」の看板をどれだけ傷つけてきたか、参院議員はいつになったら気づくのか。
EDITORIAL: Common sense lacking in Upper House electoral reform
（社説）参院選挙改革 大きな汚点を残した
The revised Public Offices Election Law was enacted on July 28, clearing the way for the implementation of a “plus 10, minus 10” formula to reform the Upper House electoral system. Under this formula for seat redistribution, the Shimane and Tottori constituencies are being merged, as are the Tokushima and Kochi constituencies.
鳥取と島根、徳島と高知をそれぞれ「合区」するなどして、参院の定数を「１０増１０減」する改正公職選挙法が成立した。
For the first time in the history of Upper House elections, prefectural voting districts are being merged.
都道府県単位の選挙区が統合されるのは、参院選が始まって以来初めてのことだ。
Thanks to the legal revision, Japan will at least not commit the folly of going ahead with the Upper House election next summer in disregard of the Supreme Court’s ruling in November 2014 that the 2013 poll in the chamber was held “in a state of unconstitutionality” due to disparity in vote value.
最高裁に「違憲状態」だと指摘されたまま、来年夏の参院選に突入する愚だけはかろうじて避けられた。
However, the revised law was approved in the Upper House plenary session on July 24 by a narrow margin of 131 to 103. And six Liberal Democratic Party legislators representing the four above-mentioned prefectures walked out before balloting, even though the amendment bill had been under deliberation for nearly two years.
しかし、参院本会議での採決は、賛成１３１、反対１０３という小差。合区対象となる４県選出の自民党議員６人は退席した。
２年近くかけて議論してきたにもかかわらず、である。
It is fundamental to democratic procedures that the people’s elected representatives deliberate on issues thoroughly, coordinate conflicting opinions and reach a consensus that serves the public interest. And especially when the subject of discussion is the nation’s election system--which forms the basis of representative democracy--whatever decision that is reached must have broad, suprapartisan support.
議論を尽くし、意見の違いを調整して、公共の利益にかなう結論を出す。それが民主主義的手続きの基本である。とりわけ代表民主制の基礎となる選挙制度は、党派を超えた幅広い合意のうえで決めるのが筋だ。
But what stood out this time was the indolence of the ruling LDP that should have been leading the deliberations. Reacting only haphazardly to developments, the party presented a “plus 6, minus 6” formula that would have resulted in a vote-disparity ratio of more than 4 to 1. The LDP waited until there was only about one year left before the next Upper House election before going along, albeit reluctantly, with the “plus 10, minus 10” formula proposed by four opposition parties, including the Japan Innovation Party.
それなのに、際だったのは議論を主導すべき自民党の怠慢である。最大格差が４倍を上回る「６増６減」案を示すなど、場当たり的な対応を重ねたあげく、来年の参院選が約１年後に迫るなか、維新の党など野党４党が出した「１０増１０減」の「助け舟」にしぶしぶ乗った。
But even with this formula, the maximum vote-disparity ratio is 2.97 to 1. The grave question remains as to whether this really meets the constitutional requirement that all ballots be equal in value.
それでも一票の最大格差は、２・９７倍もある。憲法が求める「投票価値の平等」にこたえ得るか、深刻な疑問符がつく。
Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner, co-sponsored with the opposition Democratic Party of Japan and others a bill calling for the creation of “10 merged constituencies.” With a vote-disparity ratio of 1.95 to 1 at most, this was obviously a better choice than the “plus 10, minus 10” formula in terms of reducing the vote-disparity ratio. But even though the Komeito-DPJ formula should be used at least for the Upper House election next summer, it was hardly discussed in the Diet.
一方、民主、公明両党などが共同提出した「１０合区」案は、最大格差が１・９５倍。一票の不平等を正すという点では自民党案よりはましである。少なくとも来年の参院選はこちらで行うべきだったが、国会ではほとんど議論されなかった。
In short, we, the sovereign people, were not even given a chance to get to know and think about this alternative. We were simply forced to accept the Diet’s decision.
主権者である国民は考える機会も材料も与えられないまま、結論だけが押しつけられた形だ。
The revised Public Offices Election Law comes with this supplementary provision: “Studies shall continue to fundamentally review the election system, and a conclusion shall be reached at all costs.” But except for the expression “at all costs,” this provision is merely a rehash of the supplementary provision that was attached to the election law revised three years ago, when the current election system was adopted under a “plus 4, minus 4” formula.
今回、改正法の付則にはこんな一文が盛り込まれた。「選挙制度の抜本的な見直しについて引き続き検討を行い、必ず結論を得るものとする」。しかしこれは３年前、「４増４減」して現行制度に改めた時の付則に「必ず」が加わっただけだ。
Whether the merging of constituencies is the best solution is subject to debate. Assuming Japan’s population will continue to shrink and people will keep moving to the big cities, the electoral map will have to be redrawn time and again, necessitating a series of stopgap mergers.
合区が最善かには議論の余地がある。日本の人口減少と都市への人口集中が進めば、今後も同じような小手先の数字合わせが繰り返され、ずるずる合区を重ねる事態になりかねない。
Is that really what this nation needs? To answer this question, we must discuss the fundamental question: What is the role of the Upper House?
それでいいのか？ その答えを探るためにも、「参院の役割とは何か」を根本から議論する必要がある。
But through all these years, Upper House members have failed to answer the question every time, and merely resorted to stopgap measures. When will those legislators ever realize how much they have damaged their own credibility and the image of the Upper House as “the seat of common sense and decency”?
ところが毎回、答えを出せないまま、弥縫（びほう）策でお茶を濁す。その繰り返しが、自らの正統性と「良識の府」の看板をどれだけ傷つけてきたか、参院議員はいつになったら気づくのか。
プロフィール
ＨＮ：
srachai
ＨＰ：
性別：
男性
職業：
civil engineer
趣味：
子育て
自己紹介：
妻はタイ人、娘ばかり３人も！
■近況
２００９年の９月１５日に脳梗塞を発症、右手が少し不自由になりました。
MRAで脳梗塞の部位を特定でき、素早い処置をとれたので大事に至りませんでした。
快復にむけてリハビリ中です。
(2011/01/01更新)
■自己紹介・リンク
[ はじめに ]
タイのスラチャイです。
英語学習に王道はありません。
毎日毎日の地道な努力の積み重ねが必要です。
スラチャイはＮＨＫのラジオ英語会話で現在の英語力を身につけました。
一日僅か１５分の学習でも数年間継続すれば相当な学習効果が期待できます。
[ 名前 ]
松井 清 （スラチャイ）
[ 略歴 ]
・福岡県出身
・国立高知大学卒業
・準大手建設会社に就職
・50歳で会社を早期退職
・99/10 タイ全土を旅行
・00/10 タイに移住
・03/07 カイちゃん誕生
・07/06 シーファーちゃん誕生
・現在タイ国コンケン在住
[ 座右の銘 ]
Slow and steady wins the race.
遅くとも着実な者が勝利する
（NHK基礎英語芹沢栄先生）
[ 学習の手引き ]
・音読して耳から英語を吸収
・Think in English.
・ネイティブ発音付辞書活用
・英英辞典を活用（英和も）
・翻訳和文で専門用語確認
[ English Newspapers ]
Yomiuri
Mainichi
Asahi
Japan Times
Washington Post
Newyork Times
Bangkok Post
The Nations
Phuket Gazette
[ 英字新聞の英和対訳学習 ]
英字新聞（読売）
英字新聞（毎日）
英字新聞（朝日）
英字新聞（朝日２）
[ スラチャイ編集の辞書 ]
タイ日辞書（改訂版）
日タイ辞書（改訂版）
ラオ日辞書
日ラオ辞書
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カテゴリー
アーカイブ
リンク
家族、リンク、多言語、タイ語
スラチャイの家族紹介
私の家族
スラチャイの手作りリンク集
スラチャイタイ在住９年目
中国語会話基礎（北京語）
タイ日辞典（単語帳）
タイ語の子音
タイ語の母音
スラチャイ編曲のmidiのギター曲
スラチャイ編曲のJ.S.Bachです
スラチャイの多国言語学習
初歩のタイ語
初歩の中国語
初歩のラオス語
初歩のビルマ語
初歩のシンハリ語
初歩のタガログ語
タイ語の基礎
タイ文字
タイ日辞書
タイ語の副詞
タイ語の前置詞
タイ語の助動詞
タイ語の接続詞
基礎タイ語
基礎タイ語一覧（タイ文字、ローマ字）
seesaaサイト内リンク一覧：
01 あいさつ
02 別れのあいさつ
03 声をかけるとき
04 感謝の言葉と答え方
05 謝罪の言葉と答え方
06 聞き直すとき
07 相手の言うことがわからないとき
08 うまく言えないとき
09 一般的なあいづち
10 よくわからないときの返事
11 強めのあいづち
12 自分について述べるとき
13 相手のことを尋ねるとき
14 頼みごとをするとき
15 申し出・依頼を断るとき
16 許可を求めるとき
17 説明してもらうとき
18 確認を求めるとき
19 状況を知りたいとき
20 値段の尋ね方と断り方
21 急いでもらいたいとき
22 待ってもらいたいとき
23 日時・場所・天候を尋ねるとき
24 その他
基礎タイ語一覧(タイ文字、音声付き）
サイト外HPリンク一覧：
01 あいさつ
02 別れのあいさつ
03 声をかけるとき
04 感謝の言葉と答え方
05 謝罪の言葉と答え方
06 聞き直すとき
07 相手の言うことがわからないとき
08 うまく言えないとき
09 一般的なあいづち
10 よくわからないときの返事
11 強めのあいづち
12 自分について述べるとき
13 相手のことを尋ねるとき
14 頼みごとをするとき
15 申し出・依頼を断るとき
16 許可を求めるとき
17 説明してもらうとき
18 確認を求めるとき
19 状況を知りたいとき
20 値段の尋ね方と断り方
21 急いでもらいたいとき
22 待ってもらいたいとき
23 日時・場所・天候を尋ねるとき
24 その他
タイの文化、１４の戒律
タイの文化一覧:
01 雨の日にも傘をささないタイ人
02 勉強熱心なタイ人女性たち
03 タイ人は敬謙な仏教徒
04 タイの市場
05 タイの食堂
06 タイ人は外食が大好き
07 果物王国タイランド
08 タイ人の誕生日
09 タイの電話代は高い
10 微笑みの国タイランド
1４の戒律（テラワーダ仏教戒律）
seesaaサイト内リンク一覧：
第０１番目の戒律
第０２番目の戒律
第０３番目の戒律
第０４番目の戒律
第０５番目の戒律
第０６番目の戒律
第０７番目の戒律
第０８番目の戒律
第０９番目の戒律
第１０番目の戒律
第１１番目の戒律
第１２番目の戒律
第１３番目の戒律
第１４番目の戒律
1４の戒律（テラワーダ仏教戒律）
サイト外HPリンク一覧：
１４の戒律解説
第０１番目の戒律
第０２番目の戒律
第０３番目の戒律
第０４番目の戒律
第０５番目の戒律
第０６番目の戒律
第０７番目の戒律
第０８番目の戒律
第０９番目の戒律
第１０番目の戒律
第１１番目の戒律
第１２番目の戒律
第１３番目の戒律
第１４番目の戒律