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[PR]上記の広告は3ヶ月以上新規記事投稿のないブログに表示されています。新しい記事を書く事で広告が消えます。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 5
EDITORIAL: Tokyo-Okinawa 'temporary truce' too good an opportunity to waste
（社説）政権と沖縄 「休戦」で終わらせるな
Since a window of dialogue between the Abe administration and Okinawa prefectural government seems to have finally opened, every effort must be made to keep it open for continued talks.
ようやく安倍政権と沖縄県の対話の窓が開いたのだろうか。これを継続的な話し合いの場に育てなければならない。
Tokyo and Naha agreed Aug. 4 that all work related to the planned relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma to the Henoko district in Nago will be suspended for one month, starting Aug. 10. The parties also agreed to use this period for intensive talks until Sept. 9.
米軍普天間飛行場の沖縄県名護市辺野古への移設に伴う新基地建設をめぐり、安倍政権と沖縄県が９月９日まで１カ月間、すべての工事を中断し、集中的に協議することで合意した。
Without this agreement, the situation inevitably would have deteriorated into a quagmire, with both sides resorting to measures to outdo one another. Tokyo was poised to start shortly reclamation work for the construction of the new air base, and Okinawa Governor Takeshi Onaga was about to void the land reclamation permit issued by his predecessor.
近く本体工事に着手する方針だった政権と、前知事の埋め立て承認を取り消す方針だった沖縄県。このまま進めば、双方が対抗措置を繰り出す泥沼の衝突に発展するのは必至だった。
The one-month moratorium came just in time to avert a showdown. For the first time since Onaga became governor eight months ago, Tokyo and Naha, which could never agree on anything, are finally sitting down together at the negotiating table. We welcome this development.
その寸前に、かろうじて１カ月の猶予期間が生まれた。翁長雄志（おながたけし）知事の誕生から８カ月、すれ違いが続いてきた国と県が、本格的な話し合いの席に着くことは評価したい。
However, it will certainly not be easy for them to narrow their distance.
だが、互いの歩み寄りは容易ではない。
The duration of the talks is limited to only one month, and there is nothing to indicate that the Abe administration will deviate during this period from its set policy, which is that the relocation to Henoko is the only solution.
協議期間は１カ月に区切られている。政権が、辺野古移設が唯一の解決策という方針を転換する気配もない。
The administration's decision to suspend work for one month was probably motivated by the following events scheduled during that period: The Upper House will be deliberating highly contentious bills on national security and the administration grapples with another divisive issue of restarting a nuclear reactor. Should the administration go ahead with the Henoko reclamation in disregard of the vehement resistance put up by the people of Okinawa, its already declining approval rating could go further south.
おそらく政権にはこんな事情があるのだろう。
これからの１カ月は、世論の批判が広がっている安全保障関連法案の参院審議と重なる。原発再稼働など国民の評価が割れる課題もある。そのうえに、沖縄県の強い反対を押し切って辺野古の埋め立てを強行すれば、内閣支持率のさらなる低下を招きかねない――。
We cannot help suspect that the administration sees the period until Sept. 9 as nothing more than "temporary truce" until the national security bills become law.
９月９日までの協議期間は、安保法案が成立するまでの、つかの間の「休戦期間」なのか。そんな疑念がぬぐえない。
Onaga is sticking to his position that construction of a new facility in Henoko is absolutely unacceptable. He has all the popular backing he needs from the results of last year's Nago mayoral election, the gubernatorial election and the Lower House election, each of which represented a triumph of the people's will to oppose the relocation plan.
翁長知事も「辺野古新基地建設は不可能」とする姿勢を貫く構えだ。昨年の名護市長選、知事選、総選挙で繰り返し示された新基地建設反対の民意が知事の背中を押している。
Both Tokyo and Naha obviously have their own interests to consider, but we strongly hope they will let this precious opportunity for dialogue become the first step toward breaking the impasse.
双方に事情はあろうが、せっかくの対話の機会を問題の打開につなげてほしい。
The first thing they need to confirm is that the either/or argument of "Henoko or Futenma" has got to end.
まず確認すべきは「辺野古か普天間か」の二者択一の議論はもう終わりにすることだ。
Rather, the questions that should be asked include the following: What sort of foreign policy strategy does Japan need to establish a stable, long-term relationship with China? Where should U.S. forces and Japan's Self-Defense Forces be positioned in that strategy? What is the significance of concentrating U.S. bases in Okinawa? And are U.S. Marine Corps bases really necessary in Okinawa?
中国と長期的に安定した関係を築くには、どんな外交戦略が必要なのか。そのなかに米軍や自衛隊をどう位置づけるべきなのか。沖縄に基地が集中することに意味があるのか。海兵隊の基地は本当に必要なのか。大きな構図の中で、白紙から再考すべきである。
All these issues must be reworked from scratch against the big picture, and the task requires more than just the Abe administration and the Okinawa prefectural government.
それは、安倍政権と沖縄県だけで成り立つ議論ではない。
Specifically, the central government must hold serious talks with the U.S. government. The Abe administration cannot be considered to be taking Okinawa seriously so long as it continues to avoid such talks with Washington.
解決には米国との本格協議が必要であり、それを避けている限り、政権が本気で沖縄と向き合っているとは言えない。
The coming month must be used to get the ball rolling in the right direction.
この１カ月を、こうした議論を深めるための転機とすべきだ。
EDITORIAL: Tokyo-Okinawa 'temporary truce' too good an opportunity to waste
（社説）政権と沖縄 「休戦」で終わらせるな
Since a window of dialogue between the Abe administration and Okinawa prefectural government seems to have finally opened, every effort must be made to keep it open for continued talks.
ようやく安倍政権と沖縄県の対話の窓が開いたのだろうか。これを継続的な話し合いの場に育てなければならない。
Tokyo and Naha agreed Aug. 4 that all work related to the planned relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma to the Henoko district in Nago will be suspended for one month, starting Aug. 10. The parties also agreed to use this period for intensive talks until Sept. 9.
米軍普天間飛行場の沖縄県名護市辺野古への移設に伴う新基地建設をめぐり、安倍政権と沖縄県が９月９日まで１カ月間、すべての工事を中断し、集中的に協議することで合意した。
Without this agreement, the situation inevitably would have deteriorated into a quagmire, with both sides resorting to measures to outdo one another. Tokyo was poised to start shortly reclamation work for the construction of the new air base, and Okinawa Governor Takeshi Onaga was about to void the land reclamation permit issued by his predecessor.
近く本体工事に着手する方針だった政権と、前知事の埋め立て承認を取り消す方針だった沖縄県。このまま進めば、双方が対抗措置を繰り出す泥沼の衝突に発展するのは必至だった。
The one-month moratorium came just in time to avert a showdown. For the first time since Onaga became governor eight months ago, Tokyo and Naha, which could never agree on anything, are finally sitting down together at the negotiating table. We welcome this development.
その寸前に、かろうじて１カ月の猶予期間が生まれた。翁長雄志（おながたけし）知事の誕生から８カ月、すれ違いが続いてきた国と県が、本格的な話し合いの席に着くことは評価したい。
However, it will certainly not be easy for them to narrow their distance.
だが、互いの歩み寄りは容易ではない。
The duration of the talks is limited to only one month, and there is nothing to indicate that the Abe administration will deviate during this period from its set policy, which is that the relocation to Henoko is the only solution.
協議期間は１カ月に区切られている。政権が、辺野古移設が唯一の解決策という方針を転換する気配もない。
The administration's decision to suspend work for one month was probably motivated by the following events scheduled during that period: The Upper House will be deliberating highly contentious bills on national security and the administration grapples with another divisive issue of restarting a nuclear reactor. Should the administration go ahead with the Henoko reclamation in disregard of the vehement resistance put up by the people of Okinawa, its already declining approval rating could go further south.
おそらく政権にはこんな事情があるのだろう。
これからの１カ月は、世論の批判が広がっている安全保障関連法案の参院審議と重なる。原発再稼働など国民の評価が割れる課題もある。そのうえに、沖縄県の強い反対を押し切って辺野古の埋め立てを強行すれば、内閣支持率のさらなる低下を招きかねない――。
We cannot help suspect that the administration sees the period until Sept. 9 as nothing more than "temporary truce" until the national security bills become law.
９月９日までの協議期間は、安保法案が成立するまでの、つかの間の「休戦期間」なのか。そんな疑念がぬぐえない。
Onaga is sticking to his position that construction of a new facility in Henoko is absolutely unacceptable. He has all the popular backing he needs from the results of last year's Nago mayoral election, the gubernatorial election and the Lower House election, each of which represented a triumph of the people's will to oppose the relocation plan.
翁長知事も「辺野古新基地建設は不可能」とする姿勢を貫く構えだ。昨年の名護市長選、知事選、総選挙で繰り返し示された新基地建設反対の民意が知事の背中を押している。
Both Tokyo and Naha obviously have their own interests to consider, but we strongly hope they will let this precious opportunity for dialogue become the first step toward breaking the impasse.
双方に事情はあろうが、せっかくの対話の機会を問題の打開につなげてほしい。
The first thing they need to confirm is that the either/or argument of "Henoko or Futenma" has got to end.
まず確認すべきは「辺野古か普天間か」の二者択一の議論はもう終わりにすることだ。
Rather, the questions that should be asked include the following: What sort of foreign policy strategy does Japan need to establish a stable, long-term relationship with China? Where should U.S. forces and Japan's Self-Defense Forces be positioned in that strategy? What is the significance of concentrating U.S. bases in Okinawa? And are U.S. Marine Corps bases really necessary in Okinawa?
中国と長期的に安定した関係を築くには、どんな外交戦略が必要なのか。そのなかに米軍や自衛隊をどう位置づけるべきなのか。沖縄に基地が集中することに意味があるのか。海兵隊の基地は本当に必要なのか。大きな構図の中で、白紙から再考すべきである。
All these issues must be reworked from scratch against the big picture, and the task requires more than just the Abe administration and the Okinawa prefectural government.
それは、安倍政権と沖縄県だけで成り立つ議論ではない。
Specifically, the central government must hold serious talks with the U.S. government. The Abe administration cannot be considered to be taking Okinawa seriously so long as it continues to avoid such talks with Washington.
解決には米国との本格協議が必要であり、それを避けている限り、政権が本気で沖縄と向き合っているとは言えない。
The coming month must be used to get the ball rolling in the right direction.
この１カ月を、こうした議論を深めるための転機とすべきだ。
PR
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 4
EDITORIAL: Isozaki’s views reflect the cowboy mind-set of Abe & Co.
（社説）礒崎氏の発言 首相の任命責任を問う
Yosuke Isozaki’s controversial remarks about security legislation have become a major political issue, not simply because they were mouthed by a special adviser on national security to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.
問題は首相補佐官としての発言の是非にとどまらない。
Isozaki’s comments, which belittled the importance of legal stability, have raised questions about Abe’s responsibility for appointing this individual to the key security policy post and also about the administration’s overarching tendency to make light of the Constitution.
安倍首相の任命責任、さらには憲法を軽視してきた政権全体の姿勢が問われている。
Talking about the package of government-drafted security bills now before the Upper House, Isozaki, in a July 26 speech, said: "What we have to think about is whether the measures are necessary to protect Japan. Legal stability has nothing to do with it."
Isozaki on Aug. 3 testified before an Upper House special committee on the security legislation as an unsworn witness.
安全保障関連法案をめぐって「考えないといけないのは、わが国を守るために必要な措置かどうかで、法的安定性は関係ない」と講演で発言した礒崎陽輔首相補佐官が、参院特別委員会で参考人として釈明した。
He acknowledged that his remarks had been “inappropriate” and apologized, but refused to resign as adviser to the prime minister.
自らの発言を「不適切だった」と認め、陳謝したが、首相補佐官の辞任は否定した。
The unacceptable part of his testimony is his claim that his remarks produced a “big misunderstanding.” In a posting on his website dated July 19, before the speech in question, Isozaki said the following:
納得できないのは、礒崎氏が「大きな誤解を与えてしまった」と述べている点だ。
たとえば問題発言のあった講演より前、７月１９日付の礒崎氏のホームページには当初、次のような記述があった。
"It doesn’t serve the national interest to become preoccupied with making the formalist argument that (the security legislation) lacks legal stability with the traditional government interpretation of the Constitution when there have been significant changes in the international situation surrounding Japan.”
「日本を取り巻く国際情勢が大きく変化しているにもかかわらず、従来の憲法解釈との法的安定性を欠くなどという形式議論に終始しているのは、国家にとって有益ではありません」
In this positing, too, Isozaki dismissed the argument for legal stability as a “formalist” view.
So there was no misunderstanding. This is what he truly thinks.
ここでも法的安定性を「形式議論」と切り捨てていた。誤解でも何でもない、これこそが偽らざる本音だったのだろう。
While he was an elite bureaucrat at the former home affairs ministry (now the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications), Isozaki, as a Cabinet counselor, was involved in the drafting of legislation to deal with security emergencies.
Then he entered politics by running successfully in an Upper House election as a candidate of the Liberal Democratic Party.
総務省出身の礒崎氏は、内閣参事官として有事法制の整備を手がけた後、自民党参院議員に転身。
Since he was appointed as an adviser to Abe, Isozaki has been working as a coordinator for the prime minister’s office to push the series of security policy initiatives.
Among security policy moves in which he has been involved are the establishment of the state secrets protection law, the change in the government’s interpretation of the Constitution to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense under certain conditions and the drafting of the security legislation that recently cleared the Lower House.
首相補佐官に起用され、特定秘密保護法の制定や、集団的自衛権の行使を一部容認する憲法解釈の変更、安保法案の作成に首相官邸の代表として調整にあたった。
In February, Isozaki, speaking as the secretary-general of the LDP’s headquarters for promoting constitutional amendments, said, “We are going to give the people a taste of constitutional amendments.” That comment also triggered public criticism.
２月には自民党の憲法改正推進本部事務局長として「憲法改正を国民に一回味わってもらう」と述べ、物議を醸したこともある。
Isozaki has been acting as a flag waver for Abe’s constitutional amendment agenda, so to speak.
いわば安倍首相の改憲路線の旗振り役でもある。
Abe has cautioned members of his administration to “refrain from making remarks that arouse doubt.”
Given the depth of the relationship between Abe and Isozaki, however, what this adviser said cannot be dismissed simply as a gaffe by a close aide to the prime minister.
首相は「疑念をもたれるような発言は慎まねばならない」と述べたが、その関係の深さを考えれば、単なる側近議員の失言で片付けるわけにはいかない。
Senior LDP lawmakers have made remarks that indicate they are putting greater importance on security policy than on the Constitution. “The nation could fall into ruin while protecting the Constitution” is a typical refrain.
「憲法守って国滅ぶ」。自民党幹部からは憲法より安保政策の方が優先だ、と言わんばかりの発言が聞かれる。
Remarks such as this, which is similar in essence to what Isozaki said, reflect a mind-set of treating the Constitution and legal stability lightly.
礒崎氏の発言と根っこは同じ憲法軽視、法的安定性軽視の姿勢だ。
Isozaki’s words have underscored afresh an inherent lack of legal stability in the security legislation.
礒崎氏の発言は、安保法案の法的安定性の本質的な欠如をも改めて浮かび上がらせた。
The administration has made a 180-degree change in the official interpretation of the Constitution with regard to whether Japan can exercise the right to collective self-defense, from “no” to “yes,” while stressing the qualifier “under certain circumstances.”
限定行使の名のもとに、集団的自衛権を「行使できない」から「行使できる」に百八十度転換したこと。
The administration has also exhibited a propensity to secure the government as much leeway as possible to make its own security policy decisions.
時の政権の裁量の余地を、できるだけ限定せずに残しておこうとする姿勢。
It is obvious that the security legislation lacks legal stability.
法案が法的安定性を欠くのは明らかである。
The blame for this serious flaw with the legislation should be borne by the prime minister himself and the entire ruling camp, including Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner.
その責めは、首相自身と、公明党を含む政権全体が負うべきものだ。
Isozaki’s testimony as an unsworn witness before the Diet alone cannot put an end to this serious political problem.
礒崎氏の招致で済む話ではない。
EDITORIAL: Isozaki’s views reflect the cowboy mind-set of Abe & Co.
（社説）礒崎氏の発言 首相の任命責任を問う
Yosuke Isozaki’s controversial remarks about security legislation have become a major political issue, not simply because they were mouthed by a special adviser on national security to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.
問題は首相補佐官としての発言の是非にとどまらない。
Isozaki’s comments, which belittled the importance of legal stability, have raised questions about Abe’s responsibility for appointing this individual to the key security policy post and also about the administration’s overarching tendency to make light of the Constitution.
安倍首相の任命責任、さらには憲法を軽視してきた政権全体の姿勢が問われている。
Talking about the package of government-drafted security bills now before the Upper House, Isozaki, in a July 26 speech, said: "What we have to think about is whether the measures are necessary to protect Japan. Legal stability has nothing to do with it."
Isozaki on Aug. 3 testified before an Upper House special committee on the security legislation as an unsworn witness.
安全保障関連法案をめぐって「考えないといけないのは、わが国を守るために必要な措置かどうかで、法的安定性は関係ない」と講演で発言した礒崎陽輔首相補佐官が、参院特別委員会で参考人として釈明した。
He acknowledged that his remarks had been “inappropriate” and apologized, but refused to resign as adviser to the prime minister.
自らの発言を「不適切だった」と認め、陳謝したが、首相補佐官の辞任は否定した。
The unacceptable part of his testimony is his claim that his remarks produced a “big misunderstanding.” In a posting on his website dated July 19, before the speech in question, Isozaki said the following:
納得できないのは、礒崎氏が「大きな誤解を与えてしまった」と述べている点だ。
たとえば問題発言のあった講演より前、７月１９日付の礒崎氏のホームページには当初、次のような記述があった。
"It doesn’t serve the national interest to become preoccupied with making the formalist argument that (the security legislation) lacks legal stability with the traditional government interpretation of the Constitution when there have been significant changes in the international situation surrounding Japan.”
「日本を取り巻く国際情勢が大きく変化しているにもかかわらず、従来の憲法解釈との法的安定性を欠くなどという形式議論に終始しているのは、国家にとって有益ではありません」
In this positing, too, Isozaki dismissed the argument for legal stability as a “formalist” view.
So there was no misunderstanding. This is what he truly thinks.
ここでも法的安定性を「形式議論」と切り捨てていた。誤解でも何でもない、これこそが偽らざる本音だったのだろう。
While he was an elite bureaucrat at the former home affairs ministry (now the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications), Isozaki, as a Cabinet counselor, was involved in the drafting of legislation to deal with security emergencies.
Then he entered politics by running successfully in an Upper House election as a candidate of the Liberal Democratic Party.
総務省出身の礒崎氏は、内閣参事官として有事法制の整備を手がけた後、自民党参院議員に転身。
Since he was appointed as an adviser to Abe, Isozaki has been working as a coordinator for the prime minister’s office to push the series of security policy initiatives.
Among security policy moves in which he has been involved are the establishment of the state secrets protection law, the change in the government’s interpretation of the Constitution to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense under certain conditions and the drafting of the security legislation that recently cleared the Lower House.
首相補佐官に起用され、特定秘密保護法の制定や、集団的自衛権の行使を一部容認する憲法解釈の変更、安保法案の作成に首相官邸の代表として調整にあたった。
In February, Isozaki, speaking as the secretary-general of the LDP’s headquarters for promoting constitutional amendments, said, “We are going to give the people a taste of constitutional amendments.” That comment also triggered public criticism.
２月には自民党の憲法改正推進本部事務局長として「憲法改正を国民に一回味わってもらう」と述べ、物議を醸したこともある。
Isozaki has been acting as a flag waver for Abe’s constitutional amendment agenda, so to speak.
いわば安倍首相の改憲路線の旗振り役でもある。
Abe has cautioned members of his administration to “refrain from making remarks that arouse doubt.”
Given the depth of the relationship between Abe and Isozaki, however, what this adviser said cannot be dismissed simply as a gaffe by a close aide to the prime minister.
首相は「疑念をもたれるような発言は慎まねばならない」と述べたが、その関係の深さを考えれば、単なる側近議員の失言で片付けるわけにはいかない。
Senior LDP lawmakers have made remarks that indicate they are putting greater importance on security policy than on the Constitution. “The nation could fall into ruin while protecting the Constitution” is a typical refrain.
「憲法守って国滅ぶ」。自民党幹部からは憲法より安保政策の方が優先だ、と言わんばかりの発言が聞かれる。
Remarks such as this, which is similar in essence to what Isozaki said, reflect a mind-set of treating the Constitution and legal stability lightly.
礒崎氏の発言と根っこは同じ憲法軽視、法的安定性軽視の姿勢だ。
Isozaki’s words have underscored afresh an inherent lack of legal stability in the security legislation.
礒崎氏の発言は、安保法案の法的安定性の本質的な欠如をも改めて浮かび上がらせた。
The administration has made a 180-degree change in the official interpretation of the Constitution with regard to whether Japan can exercise the right to collective self-defense, from “no” to “yes,” while stressing the qualifier “under certain circumstances.”
限定行使の名のもとに、集団的自衛権を「行使できない」から「行使できる」に百八十度転換したこと。
The administration has also exhibited a propensity to secure the government as much leeway as possible to make its own security policy decisions.
時の政権の裁量の余地を、できるだけ限定せずに残しておこうとする姿勢。
It is obvious that the security legislation lacks legal stability.
法案が法的安定性を欠くのは明らかである。
The blame for this serious flaw with the legislation should be borne by the prime minister himself and the entire ruling camp, including Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner.
その責めは、首相自身と、公明党を含む政権全体が負うべきものだ。
Isozaki’s testimony as an unsworn witness before the Diet alone cannot put an end to this serious political problem.
礒崎氏の招致で済む話ではない。
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Beijing must honor code of conduct in S. China Sea to prevent conflicts
南シナ海情勢 中国は規範から逃れられない
Making its control over the South China Sea a fait accompli by buying time on the pretext of continuing dialogue, China’s posture has now become crystal clear with Beijing turning its back on efforts to formulate international rules pertaining to the disputed waters.
対話の継続で時間を稼ぎ、南シナ海の支配強化を既成事実化する。国際的なルール作りに背を向ける中国の姿勢が鮮明になった。
To lay down a “code of conduct” to prevent conflicts in the South China Sea, senior officials from China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations held talks last week in Tianjin, China.
南シナ海での紛争防止を図る「行動規範」の策定に向けて、中国と東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）が中国・天津で、公式高官協議を開いた。
Regarding the issue of creating the code of conduct, both sides stressed what they called the positive fruits of the talks, declaring, each participant county had agreed that we would enter a new phase of consultations to discuss highly important and complex issues. No time frame or related steps for drawing up the envisioned code of conduct were spelled out, however, meaning that the China-ASEAN talks failed to make any substantive progress.
双方は行動規範について、「各国が、重要で複雑な問題を議論するため、新たな段階に入ることに同意した」と成果を強調した。だが、策定時期などは明示されず、実質的な前進はなかった。
The proposed code of conduct is to be a set of legally binding rules that would regulate behavior of such countries as China, the Philippines and Vietnam that are disputing territory in the South China Sea. Studies are being made to incorporate in the code of conduct such rules contained in the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea and creation of a framework to oversee the behavior of the respective countries concerned.
行動規範は領有権を争う中国とフィリピンやベトナムなど関係国の行動を法的に拘束するものだ。国連海洋法条約の尊重や各国の行動を監視する枠組みの創設などを盛り込むことを検討している。
It appears that China, while showing that it is prepared to sit at the negotiating table with ASEAN, wants to prevent the United States from having any say in the region, in a bid to claim the South China Sea as “China’s own waters.”
中国はＡＳＥＡＮとの協議に応じる一方で、米国の影響力を排除し、南シナ海を「自国の海」として囲い込むつもりなのだろう。
If a code of conduct was actually drawn up, Beijing probably would try to make its binding power as weak as possible, with the aim of emasculating the content of the pact.
仮に行動規範をまとめる場合でも、できるだけ拘束力を弱め、中身を骨抜きにする意図があるのではないか。
Bid to divide ASEAN members
The main reason for the failure to make progress in the talks, which began in September 2013, is China’s efforts to stymie progress, as Beijing is averse to any attempt to put constraints on its endeavor to change the status quo.
２０１３年９月に始まった協議が進展しない最大の原因は、自らの現状変更の試みが制約されるのを嫌う中国の消極姿勢にある。
Meanwhile, China is going all-out to reclaim reefs of the Spratly Islands one after another, by building such installations as a 3,000-meter-class runway and military facilities. Should a surveillance network with radar be installed there, there would be fears that a huge area of the South China Sea would come under the influence of China.
この間、中国はスプラトリー（南沙）諸島で岩礁を次々に埋め立てて、３０００メートル級滑走路や軍事施設の建設を急いでいる。監視レーダー網が設置されれば、南シナ海の広大な区域が中国の影響下に入ることも懸念される。
It goes without saying that China, a major power that should fulfill its responsibility to ensure the region’s peace and stability, is responsible for the strained situation in the South China Sea.
地域の平和と安定に責任を果たすべき大国である中国が南シナ海情勢を緊張させていることは、看過できない。
In the middle of this week, foreign ministers and other officials from Japan, the United States, China, ASEAN members and others will hold the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in Kuala Lumpur to discuss security issues. The discussion will focus on such issues as “freedom of navigation” in the South China Sea.
今週半ばには、日米中やＡＳＥＡＮなどの外相らがクアラルンプールで、安全保障問題を話し合うＡＳＥＡＮ地域フォーラム（ＡＲＦ）を開催する。南シナ海の「航行の自由」などが焦点となる。
China presumably used the senior officials’ talks last week ahead of the ARF meeting to cause internal divisions within ASEAN, probably aimed at isolating the Philippines, as problems between the two countries have intensified.
中国はその前の高官協議でＡＳＥＡＮ内部を分断し、中国との対立が先鋭化するフィリピンを孤立させる思惑もあったのだろう。
Problematic in this connection is that on the eve of the talks, Chinese forces carried out military exercises in the vicinity of Hainan Island in the South China Sea that were one of the largest in scale ever carried out by the Chinese military, with more than 100 vessels, scores of aircraft and strategic missile troops mobilized. The war games were apparently designed to keep the U.S. forces, which have been beefing up surveillance activities in the South China Sea, in check.
問題なのは、中国軍が協議前日、南シナ海の海南島周辺で、艦艇１００隻以上と航空機数十機、戦略ミサイル部隊による過去最大規模の演習を行ったことだ。南シナ海の警戒監視を強める米国を牽制けんせいする狙いがあるとみられる。
Japan, in cooperation with such countries as the United States and the Philippines, must press China repeatedly to help draw up an effective code of conduct as early as possible and suspend the projects to militarize the reefs in the South China Sea.
日本は、米国やフィリピンなど関係国と連携し、実効性のある行動規範の早期策定と、南シナ海での軍事拠点化の中止を、中国に繰り返し促さねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 3, 2015)
Beijing must honor code of conduct in S. China Sea to prevent conflicts
南シナ海情勢 中国は規範から逃れられない
Making its control over the South China Sea a fait accompli by buying time on the pretext of continuing dialogue, China’s posture has now become crystal clear with Beijing turning its back on efforts to formulate international rules pertaining to the disputed waters.
対話の継続で時間を稼ぎ、南シナ海の支配強化を既成事実化する。国際的なルール作りに背を向ける中国の姿勢が鮮明になった。
To lay down a “code of conduct” to prevent conflicts in the South China Sea, senior officials from China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations held talks last week in Tianjin, China.
南シナ海での紛争防止を図る「行動規範」の策定に向けて、中国と東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）が中国・天津で、公式高官協議を開いた。
Regarding the issue of creating the code of conduct, both sides stressed what they called the positive fruits of the talks, declaring, each participant county had agreed that we would enter a new phase of consultations to discuss highly important and complex issues. No time frame or related steps for drawing up the envisioned code of conduct were spelled out, however, meaning that the China-ASEAN talks failed to make any substantive progress.
双方は行動規範について、「各国が、重要で複雑な問題を議論するため、新たな段階に入ることに同意した」と成果を強調した。だが、策定時期などは明示されず、実質的な前進はなかった。
The proposed code of conduct is to be a set of legally binding rules that would regulate behavior of such countries as China, the Philippines and Vietnam that are disputing territory in the South China Sea. Studies are being made to incorporate in the code of conduct such rules contained in the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea and creation of a framework to oversee the behavior of the respective countries concerned.
行動規範は領有権を争う中国とフィリピンやベトナムなど関係国の行動を法的に拘束するものだ。国連海洋法条約の尊重や各国の行動を監視する枠組みの創設などを盛り込むことを検討している。
It appears that China, while showing that it is prepared to sit at the negotiating table with ASEAN, wants to prevent the United States from having any say in the region, in a bid to claim the South China Sea as “China’s own waters.”
中国はＡＳＥＡＮとの協議に応じる一方で、米国の影響力を排除し、南シナ海を「自国の海」として囲い込むつもりなのだろう。
If a code of conduct was actually drawn up, Beijing probably would try to make its binding power as weak as possible, with the aim of emasculating the content of the pact.
仮に行動規範をまとめる場合でも、できるだけ拘束力を弱め、中身を骨抜きにする意図があるのではないか。
Bid to divide ASEAN members
The main reason for the failure to make progress in the talks, which began in September 2013, is China’s efforts to stymie progress, as Beijing is averse to any attempt to put constraints on its endeavor to change the status quo.
２０１３年９月に始まった協議が進展しない最大の原因は、自らの現状変更の試みが制約されるのを嫌う中国の消極姿勢にある。
Meanwhile, China is going all-out to reclaim reefs of the Spratly Islands one after another, by building such installations as a 3,000-meter-class runway and military facilities. Should a surveillance network with radar be installed there, there would be fears that a huge area of the South China Sea would come under the influence of China.
この間、中国はスプラトリー（南沙）諸島で岩礁を次々に埋め立てて、３０００メートル級滑走路や軍事施設の建設を急いでいる。監視レーダー網が設置されれば、南シナ海の広大な区域が中国の影響下に入ることも懸念される。
It goes without saying that China, a major power that should fulfill its responsibility to ensure the region’s peace and stability, is responsible for the strained situation in the South China Sea.
地域の平和と安定に責任を果たすべき大国である中国が南シナ海情勢を緊張させていることは、看過できない。
In the middle of this week, foreign ministers and other officials from Japan, the United States, China, ASEAN members and others will hold the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in Kuala Lumpur to discuss security issues. The discussion will focus on such issues as “freedom of navigation” in the South China Sea.
今週半ばには、日米中やＡＳＥＡＮなどの外相らがクアラルンプールで、安全保障問題を話し合うＡＳＥＡＮ地域フォーラム（ＡＲＦ）を開催する。南シナ海の「航行の自由」などが焦点となる。
China presumably used the senior officials’ talks last week ahead of the ARF meeting to cause internal divisions within ASEAN, probably aimed at isolating the Philippines, as problems between the two countries have intensified.
中国はその前の高官協議でＡＳＥＡＮ内部を分断し、中国との対立が先鋭化するフィリピンを孤立させる思惑もあったのだろう。
Problematic in this connection is that on the eve of the talks, Chinese forces carried out military exercises in the vicinity of Hainan Island in the South China Sea that were one of the largest in scale ever carried out by the Chinese military, with more than 100 vessels, scores of aircraft and strategic missile troops mobilized. The war games were apparently designed to keep the U.S. forces, which have been beefing up surveillance activities in the South China Sea, in check.
問題なのは、中国軍が協議前日、南シナ海の海南島周辺で、艦艇１００隻以上と航空機数十機、戦略ミサイル部隊による過去最大規模の演習を行ったことだ。南シナ海の警戒監視を強める米国を牽制けんせいする狙いがあるとみられる。
Japan, in cooperation with such countries as the United States and the Philippines, must press China repeatedly to help draw up an effective code of conduct as early as possible and suspend the projects to militarize the reefs in the South China Sea.
日本は、米国やフィリピンなど関係国と連携し、実効性のある行動規範の早期策定と、南シナ海での軍事拠点化の中止を、中国に繰り返し促さねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 3, 2015)
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Small, midsize companies must be helped amid minimum wage hikes
最低賃金上げ 中小企業の体力強化が重要だ
Increasing minimum wages is of key importance to shoring up consumer spending and materializing stable economic growth.
賃金の底上げは、消費を下支えし、安定した経済成長を実現するためにも重要である。
A Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry panel — the Central Minimum Wages Council — has decided on a bellwether for minimum hourly wages for fiscal 2015, calling for minimum wages to be raised by a national average of ¥18. This is the steepest increase since fiscal 2002, when the government started indicating a bellwether minimum hourly wage.
厚生労働省の中央最低賃金審議会が、２０１５年度の最低賃金（時給）について、全国平均で１８円引き上げるという目安を決定した。目安を時給で示すようになった０２年度以降で、最大の上げ幅だ。
Using the bellwether as a reference, respective prefectural government councils will set increases in minimum wages based on the circumstances of their regional economies.
目安を参考に、各都道府県の審議会が地域の実情を踏まえて、それぞれの引き上げ額を決める。
Minimum wages are applied to all workers in all fields of businesses in each prefecture, and it is illegal to pay less than the minimum.
最低賃金は、すべての労働者に適用される。この金額を下回る賃金は違法となる。
If minimum wages are raised in line with the bellwether, the national average will stand at ¥798 per hour. Full-time employees working for the minimum wage would take home about ¥130,000, up around ¥3,000 from the previous year.
目安通りになれば、最低賃金は全国平均で７９８円になる。フルタイムで働いた場合の月収は約１３万円で、前年より３０００円程度増える計算だ。
Mainly because of an increasing number of nonregular workers, approximately 1.9 million people now work for minimum wage. If materialized, the recommended minimum wage hike would directly improve such people’s working conditions. This is of considerable significance.
非正規労働者の増加を背景に、最低賃金で働く人は１９０万人に上る。引き上げは、こうした人たちの処遇改善に直結する。その意義は小さくない。
In this spring’s annual shunto pay raise negotiations between labor unions and employers, many companies — especially big ones that saw their business results improve — granted large pay hikes. But such pay raises have yet to spread to small and midsize enterprises and nonregular workers.
今春闘では、好業績の大企業を中心に大幅賃上げが相次いだ。だが、中小・零細企業や非正規労働者への波及は遅れている。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has expressed a strong intention to realize a sharp increase in minimum wages, instructing his Cabinet members in charge of economic affairs to proactively press the issue. It was apparently aimed at spreading the trend toward higher wages to a wide spectrum of employees to ensure the effects of his Abenomics economic policy permeate.
安倍首相は、最低賃金の大幅アップに強い意欲を示し、関係閣僚に前向きな取り組みを指示していた。賃上げの流れを幅広い層に広げ、経済政策「アベノミクス」の効果を浸透させる狙いだろう。
Regional gaps must be fixed
But it remains a question whether small and midsize companies, the business environment of which has remained stringent, can afford large pay raises. Many such companies have been plagued with ballooning raw-material costs and related expenditures because of the yen’s weakening.
問題は、厳しい経営状況にある中小・零細企業が、大幅な引き上げに対応できるかどうかだ。円安による原材料費などの高騰に苦しんでいる企業は多い。
Will some companies find themselves unable to afford rises in personnel costs due to higher minimum wages and therefore cut their payrolls? The government should be vigilant in this respect.
最低賃金引き上げによる人件費の増加に耐えられず、雇用の縮小に動く企業はないか。政府はきちんと目配りする必要がある。
It is important to craft an environment in which businesses feel comfortable about raising wages.
企業が無理なく賃上げを続けられる環境の整備が大切だ。
To this end, it is essential to strengthen the management of small and midsize enterprises. Government assistance for such projects as investment in plants and equipment that would enhance productivity should be further expanded.
中小企業の経営体力を強化することが欠かせない。生産性アップに役立つ設備投資などへの政策支援を拡充したい。
It is also important to extend support for job skills training for employees to enable them to find jobs with more favorable working conditions. In this connection, job training programs should be enhanced.
労働者の技能向上を後押しして、より好条件の仕事に就けるようにすることも有効だろう。職業訓練の充実が求められる。
One problem is that regional disparities in minimum wages have been widening.
気がかりなのは、最低賃金の地域格差が拡大していることだ。
According to the council’s bellwether for minimum hourly wages, Tokyo tops the list of minimum wages with ¥907. But in seven prefectures, including Okinawa and Tottori, the minimum wage is ¥693. The difference between the highest and lowest minimum wages stands at ¥214, an increase by ¥3 from fiscal 2014. The gap is more than twice that in fiscal 2002.
目安では、最高の東京都９０７円に対し、最低の鳥取、沖縄など７県は６９３円にとどまる。その差は昨年度比３円増の２１４円となった。０２年度の２倍超だ。
A continuation in the outflow of workers from regions with low pay into major urban areas could jeopardize the government’s goal of vitalizing regional economies.
低賃金の地方から都市部への人口流出が続けば、地方創生も望めない。
Efforts in both the private and public sectors must be redoubled to rectify the regional minimum wage disparities by creating jobs attractive to people in nonmetropolitan regions.
地方に魅力ある雇用を生み出し、格差を是正するため、官民で大いに知恵を絞りたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 2, 2015)
Small, midsize companies must be helped amid minimum wage hikes
最低賃金上げ 中小企業の体力強化が重要だ
Increasing minimum wages is of key importance to shoring up consumer spending and materializing stable economic growth.
賃金の底上げは、消費を下支えし、安定した経済成長を実現するためにも重要である。
A Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry panel — the Central Minimum Wages Council — has decided on a bellwether for minimum hourly wages for fiscal 2015, calling for minimum wages to be raised by a national average of ¥18. This is the steepest increase since fiscal 2002, when the government started indicating a bellwether minimum hourly wage.
厚生労働省の中央最低賃金審議会が、２０１５年度の最低賃金（時給）について、全国平均で１８円引き上げるという目安を決定した。目安を時給で示すようになった０２年度以降で、最大の上げ幅だ。
Using the bellwether as a reference, respective prefectural government councils will set increases in minimum wages based on the circumstances of their regional economies.
目安を参考に、各都道府県の審議会が地域の実情を踏まえて、それぞれの引き上げ額を決める。
Minimum wages are applied to all workers in all fields of businesses in each prefecture, and it is illegal to pay less than the minimum.
最低賃金は、すべての労働者に適用される。この金額を下回る賃金は違法となる。
If minimum wages are raised in line with the bellwether, the national average will stand at ¥798 per hour. Full-time employees working for the minimum wage would take home about ¥130,000, up around ¥3,000 from the previous year.
目安通りになれば、最低賃金は全国平均で７９８円になる。フルタイムで働いた場合の月収は約１３万円で、前年より３０００円程度増える計算だ。
Mainly because of an increasing number of nonregular workers, approximately 1.9 million people now work for minimum wage. If materialized, the recommended minimum wage hike would directly improve such people’s working conditions. This is of considerable significance.
非正規労働者の増加を背景に、最低賃金で働く人は１９０万人に上る。引き上げは、こうした人たちの処遇改善に直結する。その意義は小さくない。
In this spring’s annual shunto pay raise negotiations between labor unions and employers, many companies — especially big ones that saw their business results improve — granted large pay hikes. But such pay raises have yet to spread to small and midsize enterprises and nonregular workers.
今春闘では、好業績の大企業を中心に大幅賃上げが相次いだ。だが、中小・零細企業や非正規労働者への波及は遅れている。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has expressed a strong intention to realize a sharp increase in minimum wages, instructing his Cabinet members in charge of economic affairs to proactively press the issue. It was apparently aimed at spreading the trend toward higher wages to a wide spectrum of employees to ensure the effects of his Abenomics economic policy permeate.
安倍首相は、最低賃金の大幅アップに強い意欲を示し、関係閣僚に前向きな取り組みを指示していた。賃上げの流れを幅広い層に広げ、経済政策「アベノミクス」の効果を浸透させる狙いだろう。
Regional gaps must be fixed
But it remains a question whether small and midsize companies, the business environment of which has remained stringent, can afford large pay raises. Many such companies have been plagued with ballooning raw-material costs and related expenditures because of the yen’s weakening.
問題は、厳しい経営状況にある中小・零細企業が、大幅な引き上げに対応できるかどうかだ。円安による原材料費などの高騰に苦しんでいる企業は多い。
Will some companies find themselves unable to afford rises in personnel costs due to higher minimum wages and therefore cut their payrolls? The government should be vigilant in this respect.
最低賃金引き上げによる人件費の増加に耐えられず、雇用の縮小に動く企業はないか。政府はきちんと目配りする必要がある。
It is important to craft an environment in which businesses feel comfortable about raising wages.
企業が無理なく賃上げを続けられる環境の整備が大切だ。
To this end, it is essential to strengthen the management of small and midsize enterprises. Government assistance for such projects as investment in plants and equipment that would enhance productivity should be further expanded.
中小企業の経営体力を強化することが欠かせない。生産性アップに役立つ設備投資などへの政策支援を拡充したい。
It is also important to extend support for job skills training for employees to enable them to find jobs with more favorable working conditions. In this connection, job training programs should be enhanced.
労働者の技能向上を後押しして、より好条件の仕事に就けるようにすることも有効だろう。職業訓練の充実が求められる。
One problem is that regional disparities in minimum wages have been widening.
気がかりなのは、最低賃金の地域格差が拡大していることだ。
According to the council’s bellwether for minimum hourly wages, Tokyo tops the list of minimum wages with ¥907. But in seven prefectures, including Okinawa and Tottori, the minimum wage is ¥693. The difference between the highest and lowest minimum wages stands at ¥214, an increase by ¥3 from fiscal 2014. The gap is more than twice that in fiscal 2002.
目安では、最高の東京都９０７円に対し、最低の鳥取、沖縄など７県は６９３円にとどまる。その差は昨年度比３円増の２１４円となった。０２年度の２倍超だ。
A continuation in the outflow of workers from regions with low pay into major urban areas could jeopardize the government’s goal of vitalizing regional economies.
低賃金の地方から都市部への人口流出が続けば、地方創生も望めない。
Efforts in both the private and public sectors must be redoubled to rectify the regional minimum wage disparities by creating jobs attractive to people in nonmetropolitan regions.
地方に魅力ある雇用を生み出し、格差を是正するため、官民で大いに知恵を絞りたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 2, 2015)
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Judicial review panel condemns ex-TEPCO execs for negligence
東電「強制起訴」 高度な注意義務求めた検察審
Executives must face criminal charges for their failure to take sufficient measures to prevent a disaster even though it was caused by an unprecedented natural disaster. This appears to be the judgment of a citizens prosecution inquest panel.
未曽有の自然災害が原因でも、事故の防止策を十分に講じなかった刑事責任を経営陣は問われるべきだ。それが市民で構成する検察審査会の判断なのだろう。
Concerning the nuclear disaster that occurred at Tokyo Electric Power Co.’s Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, the judicial review panel voted for a second time Friday that three of the then top executives of the utility, including chairman Tsunehisa Katsumata, should be indicted on charges of professional negligence resulting in death and injury. Prosecutors have twice previously decided not to indict them.
東京電力福島第一原子力発電所の事故を巡り、検察審査会は、検察が不起訴とした勝俣恒久元会長ら当時の経営陣３人を、業務上過失致死傷罪で起訴すべきだとする２度目の議決をした。
As a result, the three former executives will have to stand trial after being forcibly indicted.
これにより、３人は強制起訴され、裁判が開かれる。
The panel condemned Katsumata and two other executives, charging that they continued to operate the nuclear plant without taking necessary safety steps and that this led to the disaster caused by the tsunami, which resulted in reactor core damage.
勝俣元会長らは、必要な安全対策を取らないまま、漫然と原発の稼働を継続させた結果、東日本大震災の津波により、炉心損傷などの重大事故を発生させた。検察審は議決で指弾した。
True, TEPCO had operated under a safety myth. The utility cannot be allowed to evade responsibility for having caused such social and economic damage as a result of dispersing radioactive substances.
確かに、東電は安全神話にとらわれていた。結果的に放射性物質を拡散させ、社会・経済に深刻な打撃を与えた責任は免れない。
But under the criminal code, individuals are charged with criminal responsibility, not businesses. To file a charge for professional negligence resulting in death and injury, it is necessary to prove that the accused was guilty of negligence evidently while recognizing concrete dangers, not just having a vague sense of alarm.
ただし、刑法上、刑事責任の対象は企業ではなく、あくまで個人だ。業務上過失致死傷罪を適用するには、漠然とした危機感にとどまらず、具体的な危険を認識しながら、明白な過失を犯していたことを立証する必要がある。
Duty to ensure safety
The panel said: “Those in responsible positions in nuclear power generation are responsible for preparing measures by taking into consideration every possibility of a serious accident being caused by tsunami.”
検察審は「原子力発電に関わる責任ある地位の者は、重大事故を引き起こす津波が『万が一にも』発生する場合まで考慮して備える責務がある」と指摘した。
This reflects the panel’s view that executives of power companies have a higher obligation of diligence than usual.
電力会社の役員には、通常よりも高度な注意義務があるという検察審の見方が表れている。
Based on the analysis of a government institution, TEPCO estimated in 2008 that the highest conceivable tsunami could be more than 15 meters high. The panel cited this estimate to argue that the former TEPCO executives could have foreseen the damage.
東電は２００８年、政府機関の分析を踏まえ、襲来する津波の高さを１５メートル超と試算した。検察審はこの点を、元会長らに予見可能性があったことの根拠に挙げた。
But according to interviews with experts, the prosecutors had recognized that the data of the government institution had a low degree of reliability and concluded that it was difficult at the time to recognize the actual possibility of such a gigantic tsunami.
だが、検察は専門家の聴取結果から、政府機関の分析は信頼度が低く、当時、巨大津波が発生する現実的可能性を認識するのは難しかったと結論づけていた。
In judging whether there was negligence, the key point is whether the former top executives committed professional negligence by leaving an apparent danger unaddressed based on the state of scientific knowledge before the nuclear disaster. We wonder whether the panel held sufficient discussions in this connection.
過失の有無の判断では、原発事故が起きる前の科学的知見などを前提として、元会長らが職務上、明白な危険を放置していたかどうかがポイントになる。検察審は、こうした観点からの議論を十分に尽くしたのだろうか。
We want the court to hold prudent hearings in light of evidence.
裁判所には、証拠に照らした慎重な審理を望みたい。
Most important of all is to use lessons from the Fukushima nuclear disaster to prevent a recurrence of a similar crisis.
何より大事なのは、事故の教訓を再発防止につなげることだ。
Nuclear regulation standards were made stricter in the aftermath of the Fukushima disaster. Based on new regulation standards, the Nuclear Regulation Authority has been conducting safety screenings of nuclear power plants in various places around the country based on new regulation criteria, a process that is necessary to restart nuclear power plants. It is imperative for utilities to conduct risk management thoroughly, thereby enhancing the safety of nuclear plants.
事故後、原発の規制基準は厳格化された。原子力規制委員会は新たな基準に基づき、各地の原発の再稼働に必要な安全審査を進めている。電力会社がリスク管理を徹底し、原発の安全性を高めることが肝要である。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 1, 2015)
Judicial review panel condemns ex-TEPCO execs for negligence
東電「強制起訴」 高度な注意義務求めた検察審
Executives must face criminal charges for their failure to take sufficient measures to prevent a disaster even though it was caused by an unprecedented natural disaster. This appears to be the judgment of a citizens prosecution inquest panel.
未曽有の自然災害が原因でも、事故の防止策を十分に講じなかった刑事責任を経営陣は問われるべきだ。それが市民で構成する検察審査会の判断なのだろう。
Concerning the nuclear disaster that occurred at Tokyo Electric Power Co.’s Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, the judicial review panel voted for a second time Friday that three of the then top executives of the utility, including chairman Tsunehisa Katsumata, should be indicted on charges of professional negligence resulting in death and injury. Prosecutors have twice previously decided not to indict them.
東京電力福島第一原子力発電所の事故を巡り、検察審査会は、検察が不起訴とした勝俣恒久元会長ら当時の経営陣３人を、業務上過失致死傷罪で起訴すべきだとする２度目の議決をした。
As a result, the three former executives will have to stand trial after being forcibly indicted.
これにより、３人は強制起訴され、裁判が開かれる。
The panel condemned Katsumata and two other executives, charging that they continued to operate the nuclear plant without taking necessary safety steps and that this led to the disaster caused by the tsunami, which resulted in reactor core damage.
勝俣元会長らは、必要な安全対策を取らないまま、漫然と原発の稼働を継続させた結果、東日本大震災の津波により、炉心損傷などの重大事故を発生させた。検察審は議決で指弾した。
True, TEPCO had operated under a safety myth. The utility cannot be allowed to evade responsibility for having caused such social and economic damage as a result of dispersing radioactive substances.
確かに、東電は安全神話にとらわれていた。結果的に放射性物質を拡散させ、社会・経済に深刻な打撃を与えた責任は免れない。
But under the criminal code, individuals are charged with criminal responsibility, not businesses. To file a charge for professional negligence resulting in death and injury, it is necessary to prove that the accused was guilty of negligence evidently while recognizing concrete dangers, not just having a vague sense of alarm.
ただし、刑法上、刑事責任の対象は企業ではなく、あくまで個人だ。業務上過失致死傷罪を適用するには、漠然とした危機感にとどまらず、具体的な危険を認識しながら、明白な過失を犯していたことを立証する必要がある。
Duty to ensure safety
The panel said: “Those in responsible positions in nuclear power generation are responsible for preparing measures by taking into consideration every possibility of a serious accident being caused by tsunami.”
検察審は「原子力発電に関わる責任ある地位の者は、重大事故を引き起こす津波が『万が一にも』発生する場合まで考慮して備える責務がある」と指摘した。
This reflects the panel’s view that executives of power companies have a higher obligation of diligence than usual.
電力会社の役員には、通常よりも高度な注意義務があるという検察審の見方が表れている。
Based on the analysis of a government institution, TEPCO estimated in 2008 that the highest conceivable tsunami could be more than 15 meters high. The panel cited this estimate to argue that the former TEPCO executives could have foreseen the damage.
東電は２００８年、政府機関の分析を踏まえ、襲来する津波の高さを１５メートル超と試算した。検察審はこの点を、元会長らに予見可能性があったことの根拠に挙げた。
But according to interviews with experts, the prosecutors had recognized that the data of the government institution had a low degree of reliability and concluded that it was difficult at the time to recognize the actual possibility of such a gigantic tsunami.
だが、検察は専門家の聴取結果から、政府機関の分析は信頼度が低く、当時、巨大津波が発生する現実的可能性を認識するのは難しかったと結論づけていた。
In judging whether there was negligence, the key point is whether the former top executives committed professional negligence by leaving an apparent danger unaddressed based on the state of scientific knowledge before the nuclear disaster. We wonder whether the panel held sufficient discussions in this connection.
過失の有無の判断では、原発事故が起きる前の科学的知見などを前提として、元会長らが職務上、明白な危険を放置していたかどうかがポイントになる。検察審は、こうした観点からの議論を十分に尽くしたのだろうか。
We want the court to hold prudent hearings in light of evidence.
裁判所には、証拠に照らした慎重な審理を望みたい。
Most important of all is to use lessons from the Fukushima nuclear disaster to prevent a recurrence of a similar crisis.
何より大事なのは、事故の教訓を再発防止につなげることだ。
Nuclear regulation standards were made stricter in the aftermath of the Fukushima disaster. Based on new regulation standards, the Nuclear Regulation Authority has been conducting safety screenings of nuclear power plants in various places around the country based on new regulation criteria, a process that is necessary to restart nuclear power plants. It is imperative for utilities to conduct risk management thoroughly, thereby enhancing the safety of nuclear plants.
事故後、原発の規制基準は厳格化された。原子力規制委員会は新たな基準に基づき、各地の原発の再稼働に必要な安全審査を進めている。電力会社がリスク管理を徹底し、原発の安全性を高めることが肝要である。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 1, 2015)
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Great anxiety as un-snowy Beijing picked to host ’22 Winter Olympics
北京冬季五輪 雪不足の地では不安が大きい
The International Olympic Committee has chosen Beijing as the host city for the 2022 Winter Olympics.
国際オリンピック委員会（ＩＯＣ）が、２０２２年冬季五輪の開催都市を北京に決めた。
It will be the first city in Olympic history to host both summer and winter Games since Beijing already hosted the 2008 Summer Games. We hope Beijing will expend all possible efforts in making perfect preparations.
０８年の夏季五輪に続く史上初の夏冬開催だ。準備に万全を期してもらいたい。
Beijing won a one-to-one duel with Kazakhstan’s Almaty by stressing the stability of its financial resources supported by the Chinese government and a wealth of experience in organizing international athletic events.
北京は、中国政府の支援を受けた安定した財源や、国際大会の豊富な運営経験などをアピールし、アルマトイ（カザフスタン）との一騎打ちを制した。
Hosting the Winter Olympics has a public approval rating of 92 percent in China. Chinese President Xi Jinping apparently intends to maintain his government’s leadership and boost the nation’s prestige by hosting an Olympiad again.
冬季五輪開催に対する中国国民の支持率は、９２％に上っている。再度の五輪開催を勝ち取ることで、政権への求心力を維持し、国威発揚につなげようという習近平国家主席の意図は明白だろう。
Meanwhile, there are many worries about Beijing’s plan to host the Olympics. First, Beijing receives only light snow each winter. Competitions to be held within the city will mainly be skating events. Skiing and other events are planned to be held in Zhangjiakou, Hebei Province, located next to Beijing. However, Zhangjiakou has to rely on artificial snow that is inferior in quality to natural snow.
一方で、北京の開催計画には不安が多い。そもそも、北京は降雪量が少ない。市内では主にスケート競技が行われる。スキー競技などは隣接する河北省張家口で実施する予定だが、ここでも雪質が劣る人工雪に頼らざるを得ない。
To make a huge amount of artificial snow, water from a reservoir will be used. Though the delegation from Beijing stressed at the IOC plenary meeting that it will hardly have an impact on the environment, some experts pointed out the possibility of negative effects on water resources.
貯水池の水で大量の人工雪を作ることについて、北京の代表団は、ＩＯＣ総会で「環境には、ほとんど影響がない」と強調したが、水資源への悪影響が指摘される。
Many problems ahead
Also, deep concerns are expressed over Beijing’s air pollution.
大気汚染への懸念も強い。
When it hosted the 2008 Olympic and Paralympic Games, the city decided to enforce heavy-handed traffic controls and to suspend operations of factories to show the world a blue sky.
北京は０８年の五輪当時、青空を見せるために、強引な交通規制や工場の稼働停止に踏み切った。
Beijing Mayor Wang Anshun told IOC members this time that the city is working hard to be a clean-energy city. But, it remains a question how much the air pollution will be reduced in the next seven years.
王安順・北京市長は今回、「クリーンエネルギー型都市へ邁進まいしんしている」と、ＩＯＣ委員に訴えた。あと７年で汚染がどこまで改善するのだろうか。
Though the city has various problems, the right to host the 2022 Games has rolled into Beijing because other promising cities, such as Oslo, pulled out of the bidding race one after another.
様々な問題点を抱えながらも、オスロなどの有力都市が次々と招致レースから撤退したため、北京に開催権が転がり込んだ形だ。
A huge financial burden is the main reason why more and more cities are becoming hesitant to bid to host a Winter Olympics. Russia spent a huge amount of money, said to be ¥5 trillion, on the 2014 Sochi Olympics. This no doubt has made more cities back away from bidding to host a Winter Games.
冬季五輪開催に尻込みする都市が増えている最大の要因は、重い財政負担だ。１４年ソチ五輪に、ロシアが５兆円と言われる巨費を投じたことが、敬遠ムードに拍車をかけたのは間違いない。
The costs of building a ski jump and courses for sledding events such as bobsledding for a Winter Games are huge. They are likely to be a negative legacy because fewer users are expected at them after the Olympics compared to venues for a Summer Games.
冬季五輪では、スキーのジャンプ台やボブスレーといったそり競技のコース整備などに費用がかさむ。夏季五輪の競技場に比べ、五輪後の利用者は限られるため、負の遺産になりかねない。
But the Summer Games are also growing expensive. For instance, Boston decided to exit the bidding to host the 2024 Summer Olympics.
夏季五輪についても、２４年の開催を目指していた米国のボストンが撤退した。
The IOC has naturally become concerned over the situation and launched an Olympic reform urging utilization of existing facilities to reduce financial burdens on host cities.
ＩＯＣが危機感を持ち、開催都市の負担軽減のために、既存施設の活用などを促す五輪改革に乗り出したのは、必然の流れだ。
Asian cities are now set to host two Winter Olympic Games in a row, with Pyeongchang, South Korea, in 2018 and Beijing in 2022. Sapporo has already announced its bid to host the 2026 Winter Olympics. If it is named an official candidate of Japan, Sapporo will need to make strategic bidding efforts.
１８年冬季五輪は韓国の平昌、２２年は北京と、アジアでの開催が続くことになった。２６年五輪の招致には、札幌が名乗りを上げている。正式に国内候補地となれば、戦略的な招致活動が求められよう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 1, 2015)
Great anxiety as un-snowy Beijing picked to host ’22 Winter Olympics
北京冬季五輪 雪不足の地では不安が大きい
The International Olympic Committee has chosen Beijing as the host city for the 2022 Winter Olympics.
国際オリンピック委員会（ＩＯＣ）が、２０２２年冬季五輪の開催都市を北京に決めた。
It will be the first city in Olympic history to host both summer and winter Games since Beijing already hosted the 2008 Summer Games. We hope Beijing will expend all possible efforts in making perfect preparations.
０８年の夏季五輪に続く史上初の夏冬開催だ。準備に万全を期してもらいたい。
Beijing won a one-to-one duel with Kazakhstan’s Almaty by stressing the stability of its financial resources supported by the Chinese government and a wealth of experience in organizing international athletic events.
北京は、中国政府の支援を受けた安定した財源や、国際大会の豊富な運営経験などをアピールし、アルマトイ（カザフスタン）との一騎打ちを制した。
Hosting the Winter Olympics has a public approval rating of 92 percent in China. Chinese President Xi Jinping apparently intends to maintain his government’s leadership and boost the nation’s prestige by hosting an Olympiad again.
冬季五輪開催に対する中国国民の支持率は、９２％に上っている。再度の五輪開催を勝ち取ることで、政権への求心力を維持し、国威発揚につなげようという習近平国家主席の意図は明白だろう。
Meanwhile, there are many worries about Beijing’s plan to host the Olympics. First, Beijing receives only light snow each winter. Competitions to be held within the city will mainly be skating events. Skiing and other events are planned to be held in Zhangjiakou, Hebei Province, located next to Beijing. However, Zhangjiakou has to rely on artificial snow that is inferior in quality to natural snow.
一方で、北京の開催計画には不安が多い。そもそも、北京は降雪量が少ない。市内では主にスケート競技が行われる。スキー競技などは隣接する河北省張家口で実施する予定だが、ここでも雪質が劣る人工雪に頼らざるを得ない。
To make a huge amount of artificial snow, water from a reservoir will be used. Though the delegation from Beijing stressed at the IOC plenary meeting that it will hardly have an impact on the environment, some experts pointed out the possibility of negative effects on water resources.
貯水池の水で大量の人工雪を作ることについて、北京の代表団は、ＩＯＣ総会で「環境には、ほとんど影響がない」と強調したが、水資源への悪影響が指摘される。
Many problems ahead
Also, deep concerns are expressed over Beijing’s air pollution.
大気汚染への懸念も強い。
When it hosted the 2008 Olympic and Paralympic Games, the city decided to enforce heavy-handed traffic controls and to suspend operations of factories to show the world a blue sky.
北京は０８年の五輪当時、青空を見せるために、強引な交通規制や工場の稼働停止に踏み切った。
Beijing Mayor Wang Anshun told IOC members this time that the city is working hard to be a clean-energy city. But, it remains a question how much the air pollution will be reduced in the next seven years.
王安順・北京市長は今回、「クリーンエネルギー型都市へ邁進まいしんしている」と、ＩＯＣ委員に訴えた。あと７年で汚染がどこまで改善するのだろうか。
Though the city has various problems, the right to host the 2022 Games has rolled into Beijing because other promising cities, such as Oslo, pulled out of the bidding race one after another.
様々な問題点を抱えながらも、オスロなどの有力都市が次々と招致レースから撤退したため、北京に開催権が転がり込んだ形だ。
A huge financial burden is the main reason why more and more cities are becoming hesitant to bid to host a Winter Olympics. Russia spent a huge amount of money, said to be ¥5 trillion, on the 2014 Sochi Olympics. This no doubt has made more cities back away from bidding to host a Winter Games.
冬季五輪開催に尻込みする都市が増えている最大の要因は、重い財政負担だ。１４年ソチ五輪に、ロシアが５兆円と言われる巨費を投じたことが、敬遠ムードに拍車をかけたのは間違いない。
The costs of building a ski jump and courses for sledding events such as bobsledding for a Winter Games are huge. They are likely to be a negative legacy because fewer users are expected at them after the Olympics compared to venues for a Summer Games.
冬季五輪では、スキーのジャンプ台やボブスレーといったそり競技のコース整備などに費用がかさむ。夏季五輪の競技場に比べ、五輪後の利用者は限られるため、負の遺産になりかねない。
But the Summer Games are also growing expensive. For instance, Boston decided to exit the bidding to host the 2024 Summer Olympics.
夏季五輪についても、２４年の開催を目指していた米国のボストンが撤退した。
The IOC has naturally become concerned over the situation and launched an Olympic reform urging utilization of existing facilities to reduce financial burdens on host cities.
ＩＯＣが危機感を持ち、開催都市の負担軽減のために、既存施設の活用などを促す五輪改革に乗り出したのは、必然の流れだ。
Asian cities are now set to host two Winter Olympic Games in a row, with Pyeongchang, South Korea, in 2018 and Beijing in 2022. Sapporo has already announced its bid to host the 2026 Winter Olympics. If it is named an official candidate of Japan, Sapporo will need to make strategic bidding efforts.
１８年冬季五輪は韓国の平昌、２２年は北京と、アジアでの開催が続くことになった。２６年五輪の招致には、札幌が名乗りを上げている。正式に国内候補地となれば、戦略的な招致活動が求められよう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 1, 2015)
--The Asahi Shimbun, July 29
EDITORIAL: Common sense lacking in Upper House electoral reform
（社説）参院選挙改革 大きな汚点を残した
The revised Public Offices Election Law was enacted on July 28, clearing the way for the implementation of a “plus 10, minus 10” formula to reform the Upper House electoral system. Under this formula for seat redistribution, the Shimane and Tottori constituencies are being merged, as are the Tokushima and Kochi constituencies.
鳥取と島根、徳島と高知をそれぞれ「合区」するなどして、参院の定数を「１０増１０減」する改正公職選挙法が成立した。
For the first time in the history of Upper House elections, prefectural voting districts are being merged.
都道府県単位の選挙区が統合されるのは、参院選が始まって以来初めてのことだ。
Thanks to the legal revision, Japan will at least not commit the folly of going ahead with the Upper House election next summer in disregard of the Supreme Court’s ruling in November 2014 that the 2013 poll in the chamber was held “in a state of unconstitutionality” due to disparity in vote value.
最高裁に「違憲状態」だと指摘されたまま、来年夏の参院選に突入する愚だけはかろうじて避けられた。
However, the revised law was approved in the Upper House plenary session on July 24 by a narrow margin of 131 to 103. And six Liberal Democratic Party legislators representing the four above-mentioned prefectures walked out before balloting, even though the amendment bill had been under deliberation for nearly two years.
しかし、参院本会議での採決は、賛成１３１、反対１０３という小差。合区対象となる４県選出の自民党議員６人は退席した。
２年近くかけて議論してきたにもかかわらず、である。
It is fundamental to democratic procedures that the people’s elected representatives deliberate on issues thoroughly, coordinate conflicting opinions and reach a consensus that serves the public interest. And especially when the subject of discussion is the nation’s election system--which forms the basis of representative democracy--whatever decision that is reached must have broad, suprapartisan support.
議論を尽くし、意見の違いを調整して、公共の利益にかなう結論を出す。それが民主主義的手続きの基本である。とりわけ代表民主制の基礎となる選挙制度は、党派を超えた幅広い合意のうえで決めるのが筋だ。
But what stood out this time was the indolence of the ruling LDP that should have been leading the deliberations. Reacting only haphazardly to developments, the party presented a “plus 6, minus 6” formula that would have resulted in a vote-disparity ratio of more than 4 to 1. The LDP waited until there was only about one year left before the next Upper House election before going along, albeit reluctantly, with the “plus 10, minus 10” formula proposed by four opposition parties, including the Japan Innovation Party.
それなのに、際だったのは議論を主導すべき自民党の怠慢である。最大格差が４倍を上回る「６増６減」案を示すなど、場当たり的な対応を重ねたあげく、来年の参院選が約１年後に迫るなか、維新の党など野党４党が出した「１０増１０減」の「助け舟」にしぶしぶ乗った。
But even with this formula, the maximum vote-disparity ratio is 2.97 to 1. The grave question remains as to whether this really meets the constitutional requirement that all ballots be equal in value.
それでも一票の最大格差は、２・９７倍もある。憲法が求める「投票価値の平等」にこたえ得るか、深刻な疑問符がつく。
Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner, co-sponsored with the opposition Democratic Party of Japan and others a bill calling for the creation of “10 merged constituencies.” With a vote-disparity ratio of 1.95 to 1 at most, this was obviously a better choice than the “plus 10, minus 10” formula in terms of reducing the vote-disparity ratio. But even though the Komeito-DPJ formula should be used at least for the Upper House election next summer, it was hardly discussed in the Diet.
一方、民主、公明両党などが共同提出した「１０合区」案は、最大格差が１・９５倍。一票の不平等を正すという点では自民党案よりはましである。少なくとも来年の参院選はこちらで行うべきだったが、国会ではほとんど議論されなかった。
In short, we, the sovereign people, were not even given a chance to get to know and think about this alternative. We were simply forced to accept the Diet’s decision.
主権者である国民は考える機会も材料も与えられないまま、結論だけが押しつけられた形だ。
The revised Public Offices Election Law comes with this supplementary provision: “Studies shall continue to fundamentally review the election system, and a conclusion shall be reached at all costs.” But except for the expression “at all costs,” this provision is merely a rehash of the supplementary provision that was attached to the election law revised three years ago, when the current election system was adopted under a “plus 4, minus 4” formula.
今回、改正法の付則にはこんな一文が盛り込まれた。「選挙制度の抜本的な見直しについて引き続き検討を行い、必ず結論を得るものとする」。しかしこれは３年前、「４増４減」して現行制度に改めた時の付則に「必ず」が加わっただけだ。
Whether the merging of constituencies is the best solution is subject to debate. Assuming Japan’s population will continue to shrink and people will keep moving to the big cities, the electoral map will have to be redrawn time and again, necessitating a series of stopgap mergers.
合区が最善かには議論の余地がある。日本の人口減少と都市への人口集中が進めば、今後も同じような小手先の数字合わせが繰り返され、ずるずる合区を重ねる事態になりかねない。
Is that really what this nation needs? To answer this question, we must discuss the fundamental question: What is the role of the Upper House?
それでいいのか？ その答えを探るためにも、「参院の役割とは何か」を根本から議論する必要がある。
But through all these years, Upper House members have failed to answer the question every time, and merely resorted to stopgap measures. When will those legislators ever realize how much they have damaged their own credibility and the image of the Upper House as “the seat of common sense and decency”?
ところが毎回、答えを出せないまま、弥縫（びほう）策でお茶を濁す。その繰り返しが、自らの正統性と「良識の府」の看板をどれだけ傷つけてきたか、参院議員はいつになったら気づくのか。
EDITORIAL: Common sense lacking in Upper House electoral reform
（社説）参院選挙改革 大きな汚点を残した
The revised Public Offices Election Law was enacted on July 28, clearing the way for the implementation of a “plus 10, minus 10” formula to reform the Upper House electoral system. Under this formula for seat redistribution, the Shimane and Tottori constituencies are being merged, as are the Tokushima and Kochi constituencies.
鳥取と島根、徳島と高知をそれぞれ「合区」するなどして、参院の定数を「１０増１０減」する改正公職選挙法が成立した。
For the first time in the history of Upper House elections, prefectural voting districts are being merged.
都道府県単位の選挙区が統合されるのは、参院選が始まって以来初めてのことだ。
Thanks to the legal revision, Japan will at least not commit the folly of going ahead with the Upper House election next summer in disregard of the Supreme Court’s ruling in November 2014 that the 2013 poll in the chamber was held “in a state of unconstitutionality” due to disparity in vote value.
最高裁に「違憲状態」だと指摘されたまま、来年夏の参院選に突入する愚だけはかろうじて避けられた。
However, the revised law was approved in the Upper House plenary session on July 24 by a narrow margin of 131 to 103. And six Liberal Democratic Party legislators representing the four above-mentioned prefectures walked out before balloting, even though the amendment bill had been under deliberation for nearly two years.
しかし、参院本会議での採決は、賛成１３１、反対１０３という小差。合区対象となる４県選出の自民党議員６人は退席した。
２年近くかけて議論してきたにもかかわらず、である。
It is fundamental to democratic procedures that the people’s elected representatives deliberate on issues thoroughly, coordinate conflicting opinions and reach a consensus that serves the public interest. And especially when the subject of discussion is the nation’s election system--which forms the basis of representative democracy--whatever decision that is reached must have broad, suprapartisan support.
議論を尽くし、意見の違いを調整して、公共の利益にかなう結論を出す。それが民主主義的手続きの基本である。とりわけ代表民主制の基礎となる選挙制度は、党派を超えた幅広い合意のうえで決めるのが筋だ。
But what stood out this time was the indolence of the ruling LDP that should have been leading the deliberations. Reacting only haphazardly to developments, the party presented a “plus 6, minus 6” formula that would have resulted in a vote-disparity ratio of more than 4 to 1. The LDP waited until there was only about one year left before the next Upper House election before going along, albeit reluctantly, with the “plus 10, minus 10” formula proposed by four opposition parties, including the Japan Innovation Party.
それなのに、際だったのは議論を主導すべき自民党の怠慢である。最大格差が４倍を上回る「６増６減」案を示すなど、場当たり的な対応を重ねたあげく、来年の参院選が約１年後に迫るなか、維新の党など野党４党が出した「１０増１０減」の「助け舟」にしぶしぶ乗った。
But even with this formula, the maximum vote-disparity ratio is 2.97 to 1. The grave question remains as to whether this really meets the constitutional requirement that all ballots be equal in value.
それでも一票の最大格差は、２・９７倍もある。憲法が求める「投票価値の平等」にこたえ得るか、深刻な疑問符がつく。
Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner, co-sponsored with the opposition Democratic Party of Japan and others a bill calling for the creation of “10 merged constituencies.” With a vote-disparity ratio of 1.95 to 1 at most, this was obviously a better choice than the “plus 10, minus 10” formula in terms of reducing the vote-disparity ratio. But even though the Komeito-DPJ formula should be used at least for the Upper House election next summer, it was hardly discussed in the Diet.
一方、民主、公明両党などが共同提出した「１０合区」案は、最大格差が１・９５倍。一票の不平等を正すという点では自民党案よりはましである。少なくとも来年の参院選はこちらで行うべきだったが、国会ではほとんど議論されなかった。
In short, we, the sovereign people, were not even given a chance to get to know and think about this alternative. We were simply forced to accept the Diet’s decision.
主権者である国民は考える機会も材料も与えられないまま、結論だけが押しつけられた形だ。
The revised Public Offices Election Law comes with this supplementary provision: “Studies shall continue to fundamentally review the election system, and a conclusion shall be reached at all costs.” But except for the expression “at all costs,” this provision is merely a rehash of the supplementary provision that was attached to the election law revised three years ago, when the current election system was adopted under a “plus 4, minus 4” formula.
今回、改正法の付則にはこんな一文が盛り込まれた。「選挙制度の抜本的な見直しについて引き続き検討を行い、必ず結論を得るものとする」。しかしこれは３年前、「４増４減」して現行制度に改めた時の付則に「必ず」が加わっただけだ。
Whether the merging of constituencies is the best solution is subject to debate. Assuming Japan’s population will continue to shrink and people will keep moving to the big cities, the electoral map will have to be redrawn time and again, necessitating a series of stopgap mergers.
合区が最善かには議論の余地がある。日本の人口減少と都市への人口集中が進めば、今後も同じような小手先の数字合わせが繰り返され、ずるずる合区を重ねる事態になりかねない。
Is that really what this nation needs? To answer this question, we must discuss the fundamental question: What is the role of the Upper House?
それでいいのか？ その答えを探るためにも、「参院の役割とは何か」を根本から議論する必要がある。
But through all these years, Upper House members have failed to answer the question every time, and merely resorted to stopgap measures. When will those legislators ever realize how much they have damaged their own credibility and the image of the Upper House as “the seat of common sense and decency”?
ところが毎回、答えを出せないまま、弥縫（びほう）策でお茶を濁す。その繰り返しが、自らの正統性と「良識の府」の看板をどれだけ傷つけてきたか、参院議員はいつになったら気づくのか。
July 05, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Living life to its fullest as a human being
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：人間を楽しもう ／東京
As an ice-breaker at the beginning of a seminar, I often ask my students to introduce themselves by telling the class what they'd want to be if they could be anything. Without fail, at least a few students say they would choose to be a cat, bird or fish. Some students name other animals and even plants. But the reasons they cite for these choices are all the same: they want to be "free."
大学のゼミの始まりで緊張をほぐすためによく「何にでもなれるとしたら何がよいか」のテーマで自己紹介してもらう。すると必ず何人かは「ネコ」「トリ」「サカナ」と答える。ほかの動物や植物の名前もよくあがる。理由はいずれも「自由になりたいから」。
From my point of view, students have an abundance of freedom in their college years, but they themselves don't see it that way. They apparently live very hectic lives. They find that receiving instruction and at times reprimands in extracurricular activities and part-time jobs is stressful. Interpersonal relationships require that they be considerate. Many students commute from their parents' homes if possible, which means they may have long trips to and from school. Completely exhausted, it's no wonder that students wish they could simply lie in the sun like a cat, soar through the sky like a bird, or swim deep in the ocean like a fish.
私から見ると大学生活など自由そのものだが、学生たちは「そうじゃない」と言う。授業に課題その他で目の回る忙しさなのだそうだ。サークル活動やアルバイトでは、先輩に指導されたり叱られたりで緊張の連続。友人とのつき合いにも何かと気をつかうという。さらに最近は「通えるなら実家から」という学生が多く、通学に長い時間がかかる。疲れきってふと、「ネコになってのんびり寝転んでいたい」「トリやサカナになって空や海でゆったりしたい」と思う学生がいても決して不思議ではない。
But it feels to me like a waste to go through life as a human being while wishing one were a cat or a bird. That's why I remind my students that the animals they've named can't read or write, or that some animals live in constant fear of being devoured by predators. But the response I get is usually some version of, "That's fine. I wouldn't mind," or "There'd be no point in resisting."
せっかく人間に生まれたのに「ネコやサカナがよかった」というのも、なんだかもったいなく思える。そういう学生には、必ず「でも本を読んだり文章を書いたりできないよ」「天敵に食われちゃうかもしれないよ」ときいてみる。返ってくる答えもだいたい決まっていて「それでもいいです」「仕方ないので気にしません」。
Are they just aloof? Maybe. Regardless, I feel sorry for students who are willing to risk their lives in order to "be free" or take it easy. I had a patient some years ago, a high school student, who told me, "I think I've already experienced all the fun there is to be had in life. Everything from here on out will be boring." I was flabbergasted.
あっさりしているといえばそれまでだが、人間らしさや命の危険と引き換えにしてでも「ゆっくりしたい」と思っている学生たちがなんだか気の毒になってくる。何年か前には「人生の楽しいことはだいたいすべて経験しちゃったと思います。あとはつまらないことだけ」と話す高校生に診察室で出会い、あぜんとしたこともある。
It's true. Not everything in life as a grown-up is fun. Adults usually have little free time but more responsibilities at work and at home. Adults have to deal with making mistakes at work and saying goodbye to more and more loved ones. Some days can be really tough. I, too, wonder at times what it would be like to go back to my junior high school years. But I still have moments where I feel I've achieved something significant in my career, or that I've made an important decision at a turning point in my life.
たしかにおとなになれば、ますます時間の自由はきかなくなるし、職場や家庭での責任も重くなり、仕事でミスをしたり親しい人との別れが増えたりと、決して楽しいことばかりではない。私もときどき、「中学生くらいに戻れたらな」などと空想することもある。しかし、そんなしんどい毎日の中にも、「自分がやりたかった仕事で成果を出せた」とか「人生の岐路に立ち自分なりの答えを見つけた」とか、手ごたえを感じる瞬間もある。
To all the young people who wish they could be a cat: Your school years -- as well as the years following school -- may be difficult, but we as human beings are able to make decisions in our lives to try and make them into what we choose. So let's enjoy it.
「ネコになりたい」などという若い人たちには、こう言いたい。「たしかに学生もたいへん、その後はもっとたいへんかもしれないけれど、自分の人生を自分で決めて切り開けるのが人間だよ。もっと人間であることを楽しもうよ」。
For this message to be convincing, however, we adults must first demonstrate that we are happy in our own lives.
そのためにも、私たちおとながもっと楽しそうな顔で暮らさなければ、とも思うのだ。（精神科医）
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2015年06月30日 地方版
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Living life to its fullest as a human being
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：人間を楽しもう ／東京
As an ice-breaker at the beginning of a seminar, I often ask my students to introduce themselves by telling the class what they'd want to be if they could be anything. Without fail, at least a few students say they would choose to be a cat, bird or fish. Some students name other animals and even plants. But the reasons they cite for these choices are all the same: they want to be "free."
大学のゼミの始まりで緊張をほぐすためによく「何にでもなれるとしたら何がよいか」のテーマで自己紹介してもらう。すると必ず何人かは「ネコ」「トリ」「サカナ」と答える。ほかの動物や植物の名前もよくあがる。理由はいずれも「自由になりたいから」。
From my point of view, students have an abundance of freedom in their college years, but they themselves don't see it that way. They apparently live very hectic lives. They find that receiving instruction and at times reprimands in extracurricular activities and part-time jobs is stressful. Interpersonal relationships require that they be considerate. Many students commute from their parents' homes if possible, which means they may have long trips to and from school. Completely exhausted, it's no wonder that students wish they could simply lie in the sun like a cat, soar through the sky like a bird, or swim deep in the ocean like a fish.
私から見ると大学生活など自由そのものだが、学生たちは「そうじゃない」と言う。授業に課題その他で目の回る忙しさなのだそうだ。サークル活動やアルバイトでは、先輩に指導されたり叱られたりで緊張の連続。友人とのつき合いにも何かと気をつかうという。さらに最近は「通えるなら実家から」という学生が多く、通学に長い時間がかかる。疲れきってふと、「ネコになってのんびり寝転んでいたい」「トリやサカナになって空や海でゆったりしたい」と思う学生がいても決して不思議ではない。
But it feels to me like a waste to go through life as a human being while wishing one were a cat or a bird. That's why I remind my students that the animals they've named can't read or write, or that some animals live in constant fear of being devoured by predators. But the response I get is usually some version of, "That's fine. I wouldn't mind," or "There'd be no point in resisting."
せっかく人間に生まれたのに「ネコやサカナがよかった」というのも、なんだかもったいなく思える。そういう学生には、必ず「でも本を読んだり文章を書いたりできないよ」「天敵に食われちゃうかもしれないよ」ときいてみる。返ってくる答えもだいたい決まっていて「それでもいいです」「仕方ないので気にしません」。
Are they just aloof? Maybe. Regardless, I feel sorry for students who are willing to risk their lives in order to "be free" or take it easy. I had a patient some years ago, a high school student, who told me, "I think I've already experienced all the fun there is to be had in life. Everything from here on out will be boring." I was flabbergasted.
あっさりしているといえばそれまでだが、人間らしさや命の危険と引き換えにしてでも「ゆっくりしたい」と思っている学生たちがなんだか気の毒になってくる。何年か前には「人生の楽しいことはだいたいすべて経験しちゃったと思います。あとはつまらないことだけ」と話す高校生に診察室で出会い、あぜんとしたこともある。
It's true. Not everything in life as a grown-up is fun. Adults usually have little free time but more responsibilities at work and at home. Adults have to deal with making mistakes at work and saying goodbye to more and more loved ones. Some days can be really tough. I, too, wonder at times what it would be like to go back to my junior high school years. But I still have moments where I feel I've achieved something significant in my career, or that I've made an important decision at a turning point in my life.
たしかにおとなになれば、ますます時間の自由はきかなくなるし、職場や家庭での責任も重くなり、仕事でミスをしたり親しい人との別れが増えたりと、決して楽しいことばかりではない。私もときどき、「中学生くらいに戻れたらな」などと空想することもある。しかし、そんなしんどい毎日の中にも、「自分がやりたかった仕事で成果を出せた」とか「人生の岐路に立ち自分なりの答えを見つけた」とか、手ごたえを感じる瞬間もある。
To all the young people who wish they could be a cat: Your school years -- as well as the years following school -- may be difficult, but we as human beings are able to make decisions in our lives to try and make them into what we choose. So let's enjoy it.
「ネコになりたい」などという若い人たちには、こう言いたい。「たしかに学生もたいへん、その後はもっとたいへんかもしれないけれど、自分の人生を自分で決めて切り開けるのが人間だよ。もっと人間であることを楽しもうよ」。
For this message to be convincing, however, we adults must first demonstrate that we are happy in our own lives.
そのためにも、私たちおとながもっと楽しそうな顔で暮らさなければ、とも思うのだ。（精神科医）
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2015年06月30日 地方版
July 12, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: If you've hurt someone, go ahead and apologize
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：傷つけたら謝る ／東京
Recent comments made by lawmakers and a lecturer during a study session of the Liberal Democratic Party have been brought into question, including those demeaning two newspapers in Okinawa and the Okinawan public.
自民党の勉強会に出席した議員や講師の発言が問題になっている。沖縄の新聞や住民をおとしめるような内容と言ってよいだろう。
While those who made the comments explained that they had been "joking," and that what they had said "did not constitute suppression of speech," there is no denying the fact that these statements resulted in people feeling hurt.
発言者は「冗談だった」「言論の弾圧ではない」と釈明しているが、傷ついた人たちがいることはたしかだ。
In my view, there does not exist a single individual who does not end up hurting others in some way or another throughout the course of daily living. Even comments that were made without any malicious intent on the part of the speaker may end up making someone else feel saddened or angered.
毎日を生きる中で、まったく人を傷つけずにいることは誰もできない、と私は考えている。悪気がない言葉でも、聞いた人によっては悲しくなったり怒りを感じたりする。
For some time after my father had passed away, for example, hearing other people my age say things like, "My father is making efforts to take care of his health, so he is really doing great," would make me wonder, "Does this mean that my own father had been neglecting his health?" which would in turn cause me to feel despondent.
たとえば私も、父親を亡くしてしばらくの間は、同世代の人が「うちの父は健康のために努力しているので元気そのもの」などと言うのを聞くと、「私の父は努力を怠ったのかな」などと落ち込んでいた。
In other words, even if we understand that someone may not have meant a particular statement in a certain way, we may still perceive it in a negative manner.
頭では「相手はそんなつもりもなく言ったのだから」とわかっていても、どうしてもマイナスに受け取ってしまうことがあるのだ。
Naturally, I assume that I too say things from time to time that end up causing painful feelings for others. The people who come to visit my office are particularly vulnerable to being hurt, since they are experiencing mental and physical difficulties. And on those occasions when I do end up saying something insensitive, rather than protesting with something like "Please don't say that!" they normally do nothing beyond managing a weak laugh. On numerous occasions, I have gone pale-faced when years later those same people have come back and told me, "What you said to me back then was really shocking."
もちろん、私が何気ない言葉で誰かを傷つける側にまわることもあるだろう。とくに、診察の場にやって来る人たちは、心身の不調を抱えているのだからよけいに傷つきやすくなっている。しかも、その人たちはたとえ私が心ない言葉を発しても、その場では力なく笑うだけで「先生、そんなこと言わないでください」などと抗議することもない。何年もたってから「先生のあのときの言葉、とてもショックでした」と言われ、顔が青ざめたことも何度かある。
How can we address this problem, then? If we put too many restrictions on ourselves in terms of what we are permitted to say, we will end up not being able to say anything at all. At the same time, however, we must always keep in mind the fact that even our innocently expressed speech has the power to inadvertently cause pain for others -- particularly those who are in vulnerable positions or members of marginalized groups.
では、どうすればよいのか。これもダメ、あれもいけない、と気をつかいすぎると、何も言えなくなってしまう。ただ、自分の悪気のない言葉も、思わぬ人たち、とくに弱い立場や少数者の立場にいる人を傷つける場合もある、ということは、いつも頭の片すみにとめておくべきだ。
And if someone then confronts us by saying, "I really wish that you wouldn't have said that," we must immediately apologize for having caused hurt with our words, rather than deflect their criticism by saying something like "I didn't mean anything negative, so what's the harm?" or "You're the one who's in the wrong for getting upset."
もし相手が「それは言ってほしくなかったな」などと言ったら、すぐに「傷つけたならごめんなさい」と謝ることも必要だろう。「悪意はなかったんだからいいじゃない」「こんなことを気にするあなたが悪い」などと開きなおるのはよくない。
Finally, while this is most definitely not an easy thing to do, we must also practice gathering the strength to say "please stop" when others bring up a topic or say something that makes us feel uncomfortable. At such times, we should not worry about disturbing the positive atmosphere. Rather, we should firmly express our own feelings -- even if it is done by speaking quietly.
また、これはとてもむずかしいが、相手が言ってほしくない話題や言葉を話した場合、「やめてください」と伝える“練習”もしておきたい。「せっかく場が盛り上がっているから」などと気配りをしすぎず、小さな声でも、しっかりと自分の意思を伝えるのだ。
Of course, the ideal situation is one whereby we never say things that end up hurting others. Realistically speaking, however, this is something that we human beings are unable to avoid.
傷つけあう言葉を言わないのがいちばんだが、生きている限り、それは避けられない。
At such times, then, we must apologize as soon as we realize what has occurred, and we must then make efforts to take better care the next time. This is a fundamental truth, and it is applicable in any and all types of situations.
だとしたら、気づいた段階で謝って、次からは気をつける。これがどんな場合でも基本だと思う。
（精神科医）
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2015年07月07日 地方版
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: If you've hurt someone, go ahead and apologize
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：傷つけたら謝る ／東京
Recent comments made by lawmakers and a lecturer during a study session of the Liberal Democratic Party have been brought into question, including those demeaning two newspapers in Okinawa and the Okinawan public.
自民党の勉強会に出席した議員や講師の発言が問題になっている。沖縄の新聞や住民をおとしめるような内容と言ってよいだろう。
While those who made the comments explained that they had been "joking," and that what they had said "did not constitute suppression of speech," there is no denying the fact that these statements resulted in people feeling hurt.
発言者は「冗談だった」「言論の弾圧ではない」と釈明しているが、傷ついた人たちがいることはたしかだ。
In my view, there does not exist a single individual who does not end up hurting others in some way or another throughout the course of daily living. Even comments that were made without any malicious intent on the part of the speaker may end up making someone else feel saddened or angered.
毎日を生きる中で、まったく人を傷つけずにいることは誰もできない、と私は考えている。悪気がない言葉でも、聞いた人によっては悲しくなったり怒りを感じたりする。
For some time after my father had passed away, for example, hearing other people my age say things like, "My father is making efforts to take care of his health, so he is really doing great," would make me wonder, "Does this mean that my own father had been neglecting his health?" which would in turn cause me to feel despondent.
たとえば私も、父親を亡くしてしばらくの間は、同世代の人が「うちの父は健康のために努力しているので元気そのもの」などと言うのを聞くと、「私の父は努力を怠ったのかな」などと落ち込んでいた。
In other words, even if we understand that someone may not have meant a particular statement in a certain way, we may still perceive it in a negative manner.
頭では「相手はそんなつもりもなく言ったのだから」とわかっていても、どうしてもマイナスに受け取ってしまうことがあるのだ。
Naturally, I assume that I too say things from time to time that end up causing painful feelings for others. The people who come to visit my office are particularly vulnerable to being hurt, since they are experiencing mental and physical difficulties. And on those occasions when I do end up saying something insensitive, rather than protesting with something like "Please don't say that!" they normally do nothing beyond managing a weak laugh. On numerous occasions, I have gone pale-faced when years later those same people have come back and told me, "What you said to me back then was really shocking."
もちろん、私が何気ない言葉で誰かを傷つける側にまわることもあるだろう。とくに、診察の場にやって来る人たちは、心身の不調を抱えているのだからよけいに傷つきやすくなっている。しかも、その人たちはたとえ私が心ない言葉を発しても、その場では力なく笑うだけで「先生、そんなこと言わないでください」などと抗議することもない。何年もたってから「先生のあのときの言葉、とてもショックでした」と言われ、顔が青ざめたことも何度かある。
How can we address this problem, then? If we put too many restrictions on ourselves in terms of what we are permitted to say, we will end up not being able to say anything at all. At the same time, however, we must always keep in mind the fact that even our innocently expressed speech has the power to inadvertently cause pain for others -- particularly those who are in vulnerable positions or members of marginalized groups.
では、どうすればよいのか。これもダメ、あれもいけない、と気をつかいすぎると、何も言えなくなってしまう。ただ、自分の悪気のない言葉も、思わぬ人たち、とくに弱い立場や少数者の立場にいる人を傷つける場合もある、ということは、いつも頭の片すみにとめておくべきだ。
And if someone then confronts us by saying, "I really wish that you wouldn't have said that," we must immediately apologize for having caused hurt with our words, rather than deflect their criticism by saying something like "I didn't mean anything negative, so what's the harm?" or "You're the one who's in the wrong for getting upset."
もし相手が「それは言ってほしくなかったな」などと言ったら、すぐに「傷つけたならごめんなさい」と謝ることも必要だろう。「悪意はなかったんだからいいじゃない」「こんなことを気にするあなたが悪い」などと開きなおるのはよくない。
Finally, while this is most definitely not an easy thing to do, we must also practice gathering the strength to say "please stop" when others bring up a topic or say something that makes us feel uncomfortable. At such times, we should not worry about disturbing the positive atmosphere. Rather, we should firmly express our own feelings -- even if it is done by speaking quietly.
また、これはとてもむずかしいが、相手が言ってほしくない話題や言葉を話した場合、「やめてください」と伝える“練習”もしておきたい。「せっかく場が盛り上がっているから」などと気配りをしすぎず、小さな声でも、しっかりと自分の意思を伝えるのだ。
Of course, the ideal situation is one whereby we never say things that end up hurting others. Realistically speaking, however, this is something that we human beings are unable to avoid.
傷つけあう言葉を言わないのがいちばんだが、生きている限り、それは避けられない。
At such times, then, we must apologize as soon as we realize what has occurred, and we must then make efforts to take better care the next time. This is a fundamental truth, and it is applicable in any and all types of situations.
だとしたら、気づいた段階で謝って、次からは気をつける。これがどんな場合でも基本だと思う。
（精神科医）
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2015年07月07日 地方版
July 26, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the heart: Things that we feel compelled to do
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：やらざるをえないもの ／東京
The Akutagawa Prize, which is awarded twice yearly, is an extremely prestigious honor among writers. The winners of the most recent competition -- the 153rd in its history -- were "Scrap and Build" by Keisuke Hada, and "Hibana" by Naoki Matayoshi.
小説家にとってはあこがれの賞、芥川賞。選考は年に２回だが、第１５３回となる今回は羽田圭介さんの「スクラップ・アンド・ビルド」、そして又吉直樹さんの「火花」が選ばれた。
Matayoshi is one-half of the comedy duo "Peace," and he may often be seen on television. The main character in his novel is similarly a comedian, who undertakes a quest to advance to a full-fledged master of humor under a comedy mentor.
又吉さんは、テレビでもよく見かけるお笑い芸人コンビ「ピース」のひとりだ。受賞作の主人公もやはり芸人。
The novel portrays the dedication with which the performer strives to become a star -- efforts that are so extreme, in fact, that what begins as a light story gradually becomes quite intense for the reader.
先輩格を師匠とあおぎ、人気者を目指して必死にがんばるその心もようが描かれ、楽しく読んでいるうちに主人公らのあまりの真剣さにだんだん息が苦しくなってくるような作品だ。
Author Amy Yamada, an Akutagawa Prize judge, spoke on behalf of the selection committee during a press conference -- and I found her description of Matayoshi's novel striking. "The work seems to be portraying a poignant story that the author felt compelled to tell," she commented. "While the novel does have its faults, it left me with an overall feeling that was quite strong."
選考委員を代表して作家の山田詠美さんが記者会見で話をした。又吉さんの作品を講評しての言葉がとても印象的だった。「どうしても書かざるをえない切実なものが迫ってくる感じで、欠点も多々あるんですけど、何か強いものを感じて」
This phrase "felt compelled to..." is one that I had not heard for a very long time -- and it represents a feeling that I had long forgotten.
「どうしてもやらざるをえない」。私は、その言葉を久しぶりに聞いた気がした。最近はそんな気持ちをすっかり忘れていた。
I leave every morning for the university or for my office, where I then give lectures or see patients. When deadlines approach, I write my columns. Although I do attempt to give my best efforts for such pursuits, I find myself feeling very relieved on my days off. And on some days, I find myself thinking, "Truthfully, I would just rather not go in to work today."
朝、時間が来れば病院や大学に出かけ、診察や授業をする。締め切りが来ると原稿を書く。もちろんどれもそれなりに真剣にやっているつもりだが、休みの日が来るとほっとする。「今日は正直言って仕事に行きたくない」と思う日もある。
In other words, the phrase "compelled to..." represents a strong feeling from which I have become alienated. Without realizing it, I suppose that I have taken on the attitude of simply doing things "because it is my job."
「どうしてもやらざるをえない」といった強い思いからは、ずいぶん遠ざかってしまっていた。知らないうちに、どこか「仕事だから」と割り切ってこなしていたのかもしれない。
As for my young students at university, they are involved with their studies, club activities, and part-time jobs. While I am sure that these are all activities they enjoy doing, it is my guess that they rarely feel so strongly about something that they are "compelled" to do it.
大学で出会う若い学生たちは、どうなのだろう。勉強、部活、アルバイトに遊び。どれもやりたいからやっているのだろうが、「どうしてもやらざるをえない」とまで感じることは少ないのではないか。
When handing in reports, my students sometimes include their own opinions, prefaced with something like this: "I know this is not directly related to the subject at hand, but I really felt like I had to write it." It is precisely this type of feeling that I hope these students will continue to cultivate.
たまにリポートに「課題とは直接、関係ないけれど、これだけはどうしても言っておきたくて」と自分の意見を書いてくる学生もいるが、そういう気持ちを大切にしてもらいたい、と思う。
Matayoshi works as a comedian, but he additionally penned a novel because he "felt compelled" to do so -- even though it might have been more beneficial for him as a performer to have spent that time appearing on television or doing comedy shows. In order to engage in this novel-writing endeavor, I'm sure that he must have also gained the understanding of his comedy partner and others around him.
又吉さんはお笑い芸人として活躍しているが、それでも「どうしても書かざるをえない」という気持ちに動かされるようにして小説を書いた。もしかするとそんな時間があったらテレビに出たりお笑いライブをしたりしたほうが芸人としてはプラスかもしれないが、コンビの相方や周囲の人たちも理解してくれたのだろう。
I would love to once again engage in something because I felt compelled to do so -- even if it meant pushing myself beyond my own limits in the process. And it is none other than Matayoshi's work that has inspired me with this feeling.
私ももう一度、「これだけはやらざるをえないんです」と無理してでも何かをやってみたい。そんな気持ちにさせてくれた又吉さんの受賞だった。（精神科医）
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2015年07月22日 地方版
Kaleidoscope of the heart: Things that we feel compelled to do
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：やらざるをえないもの ／東京
The Akutagawa Prize, which is awarded twice yearly, is an extremely prestigious honor among writers. The winners of the most recent competition -- the 153rd in its history -- were "Scrap and Build" by Keisuke Hada, and "Hibana" by Naoki Matayoshi.
小説家にとってはあこがれの賞、芥川賞。選考は年に２回だが、第１５３回となる今回は羽田圭介さんの「スクラップ・アンド・ビルド」、そして又吉直樹さんの「火花」が選ばれた。
Matayoshi is one-half of the comedy duo "Peace," and he may often be seen on television. The main character in his novel is similarly a comedian, who undertakes a quest to advance to a full-fledged master of humor under a comedy mentor.
又吉さんは、テレビでもよく見かけるお笑い芸人コンビ「ピース」のひとりだ。受賞作の主人公もやはり芸人。
The novel portrays the dedication with which the performer strives to become a star -- efforts that are so extreme, in fact, that what begins as a light story gradually becomes quite intense for the reader.
先輩格を師匠とあおぎ、人気者を目指して必死にがんばるその心もようが描かれ、楽しく読んでいるうちに主人公らのあまりの真剣さにだんだん息が苦しくなってくるような作品だ。
Author Amy Yamada, an Akutagawa Prize judge, spoke on behalf of the selection committee during a press conference -- and I found her description of Matayoshi's novel striking. "The work seems to be portraying a poignant story that the author felt compelled to tell," she commented. "While the novel does have its faults, it left me with an overall feeling that was quite strong."
選考委員を代表して作家の山田詠美さんが記者会見で話をした。又吉さんの作品を講評しての言葉がとても印象的だった。「どうしても書かざるをえない切実なものが迫ってくる感じで、欠点も多々あるんですけど、何か強いものを感じて」
This phrase "felt compelled to..." is one that I had not heard for a very long time -- and it represents a feeling that I had long forgotten.
「どうしてもやらざるをえない」。私は、その言葉を久しぶりに聞いた気がした。最近はそんな気持ちをすっかり忘れていた。
I leave every morning for the university or for my office, where I then give lectures or see patients. When deadlines approach, I write my columns. Although I do attempt to give my best efforts for such pursuits, I find myself feeling very relieved on my days off. And on some days, I find myself thinking, "Truthfully, I would just rather not go in to work today."
朝、時間が来れば病院や大学に出かけ、診察や授業をする。締め切りが来ると原稿を書く。もちろんどれもそれなりに真剣にやっているつもりだが、休みの日が来るとほっとする。「今日は正直言って仕事に行きたくない」と思う日もある。
In other words, the phrase "compelled to..." represents a strong feeling from which I have become alienated. Without realizing it, I suppose that I have taken on the attitude of simply doing things "because it is my job."
「どうしてもやらざるをえない」といった強い思いからは、ずいぶん遠ざかってしまっていた。知らないうちに、どこか「仕事だから」と割り切ってこなしていたのかもしれない。
As for my young students at university, they are involved with their studies, club activities, and part-time jobs. While I am sure that these are all activities they enjoy doing, it is my guess that they rarely feel so strongly about something that they are "compelled" to do it.
大学で出会う若い学生たちは、どうなのだろう。勉強、部活、アルバイトに遊び。どれもやりたいからやっているのだろうが、「どうしてもやらざるをえない」とまで感じることは少ないのではないか。
When handing in reports, my students sometimes include their own opinions, prefaced with something like this: "I know this is not directly related to the subject at hand, but I really felt like I had to write it." It is precisely this type of feeling that I hope these students will continue to cultivate.
たまにリポートに「課題とは直接、関係ないけれど、これだけはどうしても言っておきたくて」と自分の意見を書いてくる学生もいるが、そういう気持ちを大切にしてもらいたい、と思う。
Matayoshi works as a comedian, but he additionally penned a novel because he "felt compelled" to do so -- even though it might have been more beneficial for him as a performer to have spent that time appearing on television or doing comedy shows. In order to engage in this novel-writing endeavor, I'm sure that he must have also gained the understanding of his comedy partner and others around him.
又吉さんはお笑い芸人として活躍しているが、それでも「どうしても書かざるをえない」という気持ちに動かされるようにして小説を書いた。もしかするとそんな時間があったらテレビに出たりお笑いライブをしたりしたほうが芸人としてはプラスかもしれないが、コンビの相方や周囲の人たちも理解してくれたのだろう。
I would love to once again engage in something because I felt compelled to do so -- even if it meant pushing myself beyond my own limits in the process. And it is none other than Matayoshi's work that has inspired me with this feeling.
私ももう一度、「これだけはやらざるをえないんです」と無理してでも何かをやってみたい。そんな気持ちにさせてくれた又吉さんの受賞だった。（精神科医）
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2015年07月22日 地方版
プロフィール
ＨＮ：
srachai
ＨＰ：
性別：
男性
職業：
civil engineer
趣味：
子育て
自己紹介：
妻はタイ人、娘ばかり３人も！
■近況
２００９年の９月１５日に脳梗塞を発症、右手が少し不自由になりました。
MRAで脳梗塞の部位を特定でき、素早い処置をとれたので大事に至りませんでした。
快復にむけてリハビリ中です。
(2011/01/01更新)
■自己紹介・リンク
[ はじめに ]
タイのスラチャイです。
英語学習に王道はありません。
毎日毎日の地道な努力の積み重ねが必要です。
スラチャイはＮＨＫのラジオ英語会話で現在の英語力を身につけました。
一日僅か１５分の学習でも数年間継続すれば相当な学習効果が期待できます。
[ 名前 ]
松井 清 （スラチャイ）
[ 略歴 ]
・福岡県出身
・国立高知大学卒業
・準大手建設会社に就職
・50歳で会社を早期退職
・99/10 タイ全土を旅行
・00/10 タイに移住
・03/07 カイちゃん誕生
・07/06 シーファーちゃん誕生
・現在タイ国コンケン在住
[ 座右の銘 ]
Slow and steady wins the race.
遅くとも着実な者が勝利する
（NHK基礎英語芹沢栄先生）
[ 学習の手引き ]
・音読して耳から英語を吸収
・Think in English.
・ネイティブ発音付辞書活用
・英英辞典を活用（英和も）
・翻訳和文で専門用語確認
[ English Newspapers ]
Yomiuri
Mainichi
Asahi
Japan Times
Washington Post
Newyork Times
Bangkok Post
The Nations
Phuket Gazette
[ 英字新聞の英和対訳学習 ]
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英字新聞（朝日２）
[ スラチャイ編集の辞書 ]
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基礎タイ語一覧（タイ文字、ローマ字）
seesaaサイト内リンク一覧：
01 あいさつ
02 別れのあいさつ
03 声をかけるとき
04 感謝の言葉と答え方
05 謝罪の言葉と答え方
06 聞き直すとき
07 相手の言うことがわからないとき
08 うまく言えないとき
09 一般的なあいづち
10 よくわからないときの返事
11 強めのあいづち
12 自分について述べるとき
13 相手のことを尋ねるとき
14 頼みごとをするとき
15 申し出・依頼を断るとき
16 許可を求めるとき
17 説明してもらうとき
18 確認を求めるとき
19 状況を知りたいとき
20 値段の尋ね方と断り方
21 急いでもらいたいとき
22 待ってもらいたいとき
23 日時・場所・天候を尋ねるとき
24 その他
基礎タイ語一覧(タイ文字、音声付き）
サイト外HPリンク一覧：
01 あいさつ
02 別れのあいさつ
03 声をかけるとき
04 感謝の言葉と答え方
05 謝罪の言葉と答え方
06 聞き直すとき
07 相手の言うことがわからないとき
08 うまく言えないとき
09 一般的なあいづち
10 よくわからないときの返事
11 強めのあいづち
12 自分について述べるとき
13 相手のことを尋ねるとき
14 頼みごとをするとき
15 申し出・依頼を断るとき
16 許可を求めるとき
17 説明してもらうとき
18 確認を求めるとき
19 状況を知りたいとき
20 値段の尋ね方と断り方
21 急いでもらいたいとき
22 待ってもらいたいとき
23 日時・場所・天候を尋ねるとき
24 その他
タイの文化、１４の戒律
タイの文化一覧:
01 雨の日にも傘をささないタイ人
02 勉強熱心なタイ人女性たち
03 タイ人は敬謙な仏教徒
04 タイの市場
05 タイの食堂
06 タイ人は外食が大好き
07 果物王国タイランド
08 タイ人の誕生日
09 タイの電話代は高い
10 微笑みの国タイランド
1４の戒律（テラワーダ仏教戒律）
seesaaサイト内リンク一覧：
第０１番目の戒律
第０２番目の戒律
第０３番目の戒律
第０４番目の戒律
第０５番目の戒律
第０６番目の戒律
第０７番目の戒律
第０８番目の戒律
第０９番目の戒律
第１０番目の戒律
第１１番目の戒律
第１２番目の戒律
第１３番目の戒律
第１４番目の戒律
1４の戒律（テラワーダ仏教戒律）
サイト外HPリンク一覧：
１４の戒律解説
第０１番目の戒律
第０２番目の戒律
第０３番目の戒律
第０４番目の戒律
第０５番目の戒律
第０６番目の戒律
第０７番目の戒律
第０８番目の戒律
第０９番目の戒律
第１０番目の戒律
第１１番目の戒律
第１２番目の戒律
第１３番目の戒律
第１４番目の戒律