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EDITORIAL: Abe’s war anniversary statement falls way short of the mark
(社説)戦後70年の安倍談話 何のために出したのか
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s statement to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II has left us wondering for what purpose and for whom it was written.
いったい何のための、誰のための談話なのか。
Issued Aug. 14, the statement falls grossly short as an accounting to sum up Japan’s modern history on the occasion of this landmark anniversary.
安倍首相の談話は、戦後70年の歴史総括として、極めて不十分な内容だった。
The statement includes all of the terms that had been singled out as crucial elements and were the main focus of international attention: aggression, colonial rule, remorse and apology.
侵略や植民地支配。反省とおわび。安倍談話には確かに、国際的にも注目されたいくつかのキーワードは盛り込まれた。
But the statement somewhat obscures the fact that Japan was the country that committed the aggression and carried out colonial rule.
しかし、日本が侵略し、植民地支配をしたという主語はぼかされた。
The document referred to remorse and apology for the war only indirectly by mentioning the fact that past Cabinets expressed these sentiments.
反省やおわびは歴代内閣が表明したとして間接的に触れられた。
We feel strongly that the Abe administration did not have to issue, or rather, should not have issued this flawed statement.
この談話は出す必要がなかった。いや、出すべきではなかった。改めて強くそう思う。
BACKING DOWN FROM POSITION SET BY MURAYAMA
■「村山」以前に後退
The Abe statement struck us as an awkward compromise between the views about history held by him and his supporters and the hard and weighty historical facts.
談話全体を通じて感じられるのは、自らや支持者の歴史観と、事実の重みとの折り合いに苦心した妥協の産物であるということだ。
The statement issued in 1995 by Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama to mark the 50th anniversary of the end of the war has been internationally recognized as a document describing the Japanese government’s views about the nation’s wartime past. Its most important feature is that it clearly acknowledged Japan’s act of aggression and candidly expressed remorse for the nation’s past and apologies to peoples of Asian countries.
日本政府の歴史認識として定着してきた戦後50年の村山談話の最大の特徴は、かつての日本の行為を侵略だと認め、その反省とアジアの諸国民へのおわびを、率直に語ったことだ。
In contrast, the Abe statement referred to Japan’s aggression in the following passage.
一方、安倍談話で侵略に言及したのは次のくだりだ。
“Incident, aggression, war--we shall never again resort to any form of the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes.”
「事変、侵略、戦争。いかなる武力の威嚇や行使も、国際紛争を解決する手段としては、もう二度と用いてはならない」
This declaration, in itself, is not wrong, of course. But this clearly represents a back down from the position set by the Murayama statement, which Abe himself had pledged to uphold.
それ自体、もちろん間違いではない。しかし、首相自身が引き継ぐという村山談話の内容から明らかに後退している。
Even a report drawn up by a panel of personal advisers to Abe appointed to offer advice over the war commemorative statement made a clear reference to Japan’s aggression on the Asian continent.
日本の大陸への侵略については、首相の私的懇談会も報告書に明記していた。
The new statement is also a back down from how past prime ministers of the Liberal Democratic Party who held office before the Murayama statement described Japan’s wartime behavior. These leaders said to the effect that there was no denying Japan’s aggressive acts, even if they didn’t use the word “aggression.”
侵略とは言わなくても「侵略的事実を否定できない」などと認めてきた村山談話以前の自民党首相の表現からも後退している。
Much the same is true with the issue of apology.
おわびについても同様だ。
Abe’s statement says, “We must not let our children, grandchildren and even further generations to come, who have nothing to do with that war, be predestined to apologize.”
首相は「私たちの子や孫に、謝罪を続ける宿命を背負わせてはなりません」と述べた。
Many Japanese certainly have the feeling of how long Japan has had to keep apologizing. On the other hand, China and South Korea have their reasons to keep demanding that Japan apologize.
確かに、国民の中にはいつまでわび続ければよいのかという感情がある。他方、中国や韓国が謝罪を求め続けることにもわけがある。
Although the Japanese government has expressed remorse and apology, ministers and other top government officials repeatedly made remarks that cast doubt over the government’s statements. Prime ministers and other politicians paid many visits to Tokyo’s Yasukuni Shrine, which honors Japan’s war criminals along with general war dead. Japan itself has done things that undermine the credibility of its own words.
政府として反省や謝罪を示しても、閣僚らがそれを疑わせる発言を繰り返す。靖国神社に首相らが参拝する。信頼を損ねる原因を日本から作ってきた。
SAD SPECTACLE OF FLIP-FLOPPING
■目を疑う迷走ぶり
If he wants to relieve Japan from the burden of having to keep apologizing, Abe, who is suspected by the international community to have biased views about history, should have gracefully offered his own apologies to end the cycle of negative sentiment that has been straining the relationship between Japanese and the peoples of other Asian nations. It is a pity that he failed to make that decision.
謝罪を続けたくないなら、国際社会から偏った歴史認識をもっていると疑われている安倍氏がここで潔く謝罪し、国民とアジア諸国民との間に横たわる負の連鎖を断ち切る――。こんな決断はできなかったのか。
Aside from the content of the statement, the political process leading to the release of the document was a depressingly sad spectacle of flip-flopping by the administration.
それにしても、談話発表に至る過程で見せつけられたのは、目を疑うような政権の二転三転ぶりだった。
Immediately after returning to power, Abe began expressing his desire to issue a “future-oriented statement fit for the 21st century.” His remarks indicated his intention to replace the history perceptions displayed by the Murayama statement with his own.
安倍氏は首相に再登板した直後から「21世紀にふさわしい未来志向の談話を発表したい」と表明。村山談話の歴史認識を塗り替える狙いを示唆してきた。
As this move caused serious concern to not only China and South Korea, but also the United States, Abe tilted toward issuing only his personal statement without official Cabinet endorsement.
そんな首相の姿勢に中国や韓国だけでなく、米国も懸念を深め、首相はいったんは閣議決定せずに個人的談話の色彩を強めることに傾く。
But some close aides to Abe and Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner, voiced an objection to the idea, saying that such a statement would not represent the government’s official position.
Abe then decided to have the statement approved by the Cabinet after all. It was distressing to see the administration change its mind repeatedly on the milestone statement.
それでは公式な政府見解にならないと反発した首相側近や、公明党からも異論が出て、再び閣議決定する方針に。節目の談話の扱いに全くふさわしくない悲惨な迷走ぶりである。
Meanwhile, Western scholars as well as Japanese researchers called for Japan’s “unbiased” accounting of past wrongs. In opinion polls, a majority of Japanese also said the statement should acknowledge Japan’s “aggression” and other past wrongdoings.
この間、国内のみならず欧米の学者も過ちの「偏見なき清算」を呼びかけた。世論調査でも過半数が「侵略」などを盛り込むべきだとの民意を示した。
In the first place, whether it is approved by the Cabinet or not, the prime minister’s statement cannot be cast merely as his “personal view.”
そもそも閣議決定をしようがしまいが、首相の談話が「個人的な談話」で済むはずがない。
The statement is inevitably taken by the international community as Japan’s official view about its past based on the people’s collective will.
日本国民の総意を踏まえた歴史認識だと国際社会で受け取られることは避けられない。
After making a wrongheaded and miserably failed move to turn the statement into his personal credo, Abe pathetically ended up issuing a statement that is fuzzy about the responsibility for aggression and his intention to offer an apology.
それを私物化しようとした迷走の果てに、侵略の責任も、おわびの意思もあいまいな談話を出す体たらくである。
CONFUSED POLICY PRIORITIES
■政治の本末転倒
It is simply impossible for Abe to push through a major revision to the standard history perceptions that have been accepted by many Japanese and the international community by taking advantage of the ruling camp’s majority control of the Diet.
国会での数の力を背景に強引に押し通そうとしても、多くの国民と国際社会が共有している当たり前の歴史認識を覆す無理が通るはずがない。
Abe has been stressing the need to adopt a future-oriented attitude toward history. But making the present and the future better than the past requires coming to terms with the past.
From this point of view, there are still many problems concerning Japan’s past that have been left unsolved, despite the urgent need to settle them.
首相は未来志向を強調してきたが、現在と未来をより良く生きるためには過去のけじめは欠かせない。その意味で、解決が迫られているのに、いまだ残された問題はまだまだある。
The biggest of these problems concerns Yasukuni Shrine and the issue of how the government should mourn the war dead.
最たるものは靖国神社と戦没者追悼の問題である。
Diplomatic friction over Yasukuni has eased somewhat recently because Abe has not visited the Shinto shrine since the end of 2013.
But the issue will flare up immediately if he pays it another visit.
安倍首相が13年末以来参拝していないため外交的な摩擦は落ち着いているが、首相が再び参拝すれば、たちまち再燃する。
Even so, there has been no notable political move toward finding a solution to this problem.
それなのに、この問題に何らかの解決策を見いだそうという政治の動きは極めて乏しい。
No political consensus has been reached on any possible solution to the issue of “comfort women.” There has also been no progress either on the problem of the past abductions of Japanese citizens by North Korea, with which Japan has no formal diplomatic relationship. Tokyo’s negotiations with Moscow for a settlement of the territorial dispute over the Northern Territories, a group of islands off Hokkaido controlled by Russia, have become bogged down.
慰安婦問題は解決に向けた政治的合意が得られず、国交がない北朝鮮による拉致問題も進展しない。ロシアとの北方領土問題も暗礁に乗り上げている。
While it has spent so much time and energy on a statement that did not have to be issued, the administration has done little to tackle these history related problems, which are crying out for effective political actions for solutions amid the aging of the Japanese and peoples of neighboring countries who experienced firsthand the ravages of war.
出す必要のない談話に労力を費やしたあげく、戦争の惨禍を体験した日本国民や近隣諸国民が高齢化するなかで解決が急がれる問題は足踏みが続く。
We cannot help but wonder for what purpose and for whom the administration is making its policy efforts. Its priorities are totally wrong.
いったい何のための、誰のための政治なのか。本末転倒も極まれりである。
The blame for this wretched situation should be borne by Abe himself.
その責めは、首相自身が負わねばならない。
内閣総理大臣談話
Friday, August 14, 2015
平成27年8月14日
On the 70th anniversary of the end of the war, we must calmly reflect upon the road to war, the path we have taken since it ended, and the era of the 20th century. We must learn from the lessons of history the wisdom for our future.
終戦七十年を迎えるにあたり、先の大戦への道のり、戦後の歩み、二十世紀という時代を、私たちは、心静かに振り返り、その歴史の教訓の中から、未来への知恵を学ばなければならないと考えます。
More than one hundred years ago, vast colonies possessed mainly by the Western powers stretched out across the world. With their overwhelming supremacy in technology, waves of colonial rule surged toward Asia in the 19th century. There is no doubt that the resultant sense of crisis drove Japan forward to achieve modernization. Japan built a constitutional government earlier than any other nation in Asia. The country preserved its independence throughout. The Japan-Russia War gave encouragement to many people under colonial rule from Asia to Africa.
百年以上前の世界には、西洋諸国を中心とした国々の広大な植民地が、広がっていました。圧倒的な技術優位を背景に、植民地支配の波は、十九世紀、アジアにも押し寄せました。その危機感が、日本にとって、近代化の原動力となったことは、間違いありません。アジアで最初に立憲政治を打ち立て、独立を守り抜きました。日露戦争は、植民地支配のもとにあった、多くのアジアやアフリカの人々を勇気づけました。
After World War I, which embroiled the world, the movement for self-determination gained momentum and put brakes on colonization that had been underway. It was a horrible war that claimed as many as ten million lives. With a strong desire for peace stirred in them, people founded the League of Nations and brought forth the General Treaty for Renunciation of War. There emerged in the international community a new tide of outlawing war itself.
世界を巻き込んだ第一次世界大戦を経て、民族自決の動きが広がり、それまでの植民地化にブレーキがかかりました。この戦争は、一千万人もの戦死者を出す、悲惨な戦争でありました。人々は「平和」を強く願い、国際連盟を創設し、不戦条約を生み出しました。戦争自体を違法化する、新たな国際社会の潮流が生まれました。
At the beginning, Japan, too, kept steps with other nations. However, with the Great Depression setting in and the Western countries launching economic blocs by involving colonial economies, Japan's economy suffered a major blow. In such circumstances, Japan's sense of isolation deepened and it attempted to overcome its diplomatic and economic deadlock through the use of force. Its domestic political system could not serve as a brake to stop such attempts. In this way, Japan lost sight of the overall trends in the world.
当初は、日本も足並みを揃えました。しかし、世界恐慌が発生し、欧米諸国が、植民地経済を巻き込んだ、経済のブロック化を進めると、日本経済は大きな打撃を受けました。その中で日本は、孤立感を深め、外交的、経済的な行き詰まりを、力の行使によって解決しようと試みました。国内の政治システムは、その歯止めたりえなかった。こうして、日本は、世界の大勢を見失っていきました。
With the Manchurian Incident, followed by the withdrawal from the League of Nations, Japan gradually transformed itself into a challenger to the new international order that the international community sought to establish after tremendous sacrifices. Japan took the wrong course and advanced along the road to war.
満州事変、そして国際連盟からの脱退。日本は、次第に、国際社会が壮絶な犠牲の上に築こうとした「新しい国際秩序」への「挑戦者」となっていった。進むべき針路を誤り、戦争への道を進んで行きました。
And, seventy years ago, Japan was defeated.
そして七十年前。日本は、敗戦しました。
On the 70th anniversary of the end of the war, I bow my head deeply before the souls of all those who perished both at home and abroad. I express my feelings of profound grief and my eternal, sincere condolences.
戦後七十年にあたり、国内外に斃れたすべての人々の命の前に、深く頭を垂れ、痛惜の念を表すとともに、永劫の、哀悼の誠を捧げます。
More than three million of our compatriots lost their lives during the war: on the battlefields worrying about the future of their homeland and wishing for the happiness of their families; in remote foreign countries after the war, in extreme cold or heat, suffering from starvation and disease. The atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the air raids on Tokyo and other cities, and the ground battles in Okinawa, among others, took a heavy toll among ordinary citizens without mercy.
先の大戦では、三百万余の同胞の命が失われました。祖国の行く末を案じ、家族の幸せを願いながら、戦陣に散った方々。終戦後、酷寒の、あるいは灼熱の、遠い異郷の地にあって、飢えや病に苦しみ、亡くなられた方々。広島や長崎での原爆投下、東京をはじめ各都市での爆撃、沖縄における地上戦などによって、たくさんの市井の人々が、無残にも犠牲となりました。
Also in countries that fought against Japan, countless lives were lost among young people with promising futures. In China, Southeast Asia, the Pacific islands and elsewhere that became the battlefields, numerous innocent citizens suffered and fell victim to battles as well as hardships such as severe deprivation of food. We must never forget that there were women behind the battlefields whose honour and dignity were severely injured.
戦火を交えた国々でも、将来ある若者たちの命が、数知れず失われました。中国、東南アジア、太平洋の島々など、戦場となった地域では、戦闘のみならず、食糧難などにより、多くの無辜の民が苦しみ、犠牲となりました。戦場の陰には、深く名誉と尊厳を傷つけられた女性たちがいたことも、忘れてはなりません。
Upon the innocent people did our country inflict immeasurable damage and suffering. History is harsh. What is done cannot be undone. Each and every one of them had his or her life, dream, and beloved family. When I squarely contemplate this obvious fact, even now, I find myself speechless and my heart is rent with the utmost grief.
何の罪もない人々に、計り知れない損害と苦痛を、我が国が与えた事実。歴史とは実に取り返しのつかない、苛烈なものです。一人ひとりに、それぞれの人生があり、夢があり、愛する家族があった。この当然の事実をかみしめる時、今なお、言葉を失い、ただただ、断腸の念を禁じ得ません。
The peace we enjoy today exists only upon such precious sacrifices. And therein lies the origin of postwar Japan.
これほどまでの尊い犠牲の上に、現在の平和がある。これが、戦後日本の原点であります。
We must never again repeat the devastation of war.
二度と戦争の惨禍を繰り返してはならない。
Incident, aggression, war -- we shall never again resort to any form of the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes. We shall abandon colonial rule forever and respect the right of self-determination of all peoples throughout the world.
事変、侵略、戦争。いかなる武力の威嚇や行使も、国際紛争を解決する手段としては、もう二度と用いてはならない。植民地支配から永遠に訣別し、すべての民族の自決の権利が尊重される世界にしなければならない。
With deep repentance for the war, Japan made that pledge. Upon it, we have created a free and democratic country, abided by the rule of law, and consistently upheld that pledge never to wage a war again. While taking silent pride in the path we have walked as a peace-loving nation for as long as seventy years, we remain determined never to deviate from this steadfast course.
先の大戦への深い悔悟の念と共に、我が国は、そう誓いました。自由で民主的な国を創り上げ、法の支配を重んじ、ひたすら不戦の誓いを堅持してまいりました。七十年間に及ぶ平和国家としての歩みに、私たちは、静かな誇りを抱きながら、この不動の方針を、これからも貫いてまいります。
Japan has repeatedly expressed the feelings of deep remorse and heartfelt apology for its actions during the war. In order to manifest such feelings through concrete actions, we have engraved in our hearts the histories of suffering of the people in Asia as our neighbours: those in Southeast Asian countries such as Indonesia and the Philippines, and Taiwan, the Republic of Korea and China, among others; and we have consistently devoted ourselves to the peace and prosperity of the region since the end of the war.
我が国は、先の大戦における行いについて、繰り返し、痛切な反省と心からのお詫びの気持ちを表明してきました。その思いを実際の行動で示すため、インドネシア、フィリピンはじめ東南アジアの国々、台湾、韓国、中国など、隣人であるアジアの人々が歩んできた苦難の歴史を胸に刻み、戦後一貫して、その平和と繁栄のために力を尽くしてきました。
Such position articulated by the previous cabinets will remain unshakable into the future.
こうした歴代内閣の立場は、今後も、揺るぎないものであります。
However, no matter what kind of efforts we may make, the sorrows of those who lost their family members and the painful memories of those who underwent immense sufferings by the destruction of war will never be healed.
ただ、私たちがいかなる努力を尽くそうとも、家族を失った方々の悲しみ、戦禍によって塗炭の苦しみを味わった人々の辛い記憶は、これからも、決して癒えることはないでしょう。
Thus, we must take to heart the following.
ですから、私たちは、心に留めなければなりません。
The fact that more than six million Japanese repatriates managed to come home safely after the war from various parts of the Asia-Pacific and became the driving force behind Japan’s postwar reconstruction; the fact that nearly three thousand Japanese children left behind in China were able to grow up there and set foot on the soil of their homeland again; and the fact that former POWs of the United States, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Australia and other nations have visited Japan for many years to continue praying for the souls of the war dead on both sides.
戦後、六百万人を超える引揚者が、アジア太平洋の各地から無事帰還でき、日本再建の原動力となった事実を。中国に置き去りにされた三千人近い日本人の子どもたちが、無事成長し、再び祖国の土を踏むことができた事実を。米国や英国、オランダ、豪州などの元捕虜の皆さんが、長年にわたり、日本を訪れ、互いの戦死者のために慰霊を続けてくれている事実を。
How much emotional struggle must have existed and what great efforts must have been necessary for the Chinese people who underwent all the sufferings of the war and for the former POWs who experienced unbearable sufferings caused by the Japanese military in order for them to be so tolerant nevertheless?
戦争の苦痛を嘗め尽くした中国人の皆さんや、日本軍によって耐え難い苦痛を受けた元捕虜の皆さんが、それほど寛容であるためには、どれほどの心の葛藤があり、いかほどの努力が必要であったか。
That is what we must turn our thoughts to reflect upon.
そのことに、私たちは、思いを致さなければなりません。
Thanks to such manifestation of tolerance, Japan was able to return to the international community in the postwar era. Taking this opportunity of the 70th anniversary of the end of the war, Japan would like to express its heartfelt gratitude to all the nations and all the people who made every effort for reconciliation.
寛容の心によって、日本は、戦後、国際社会に復帰することができました。戦後七十年のこの機にあたり、我が国は、和解のために力を尽くしてくださった、すべての国々、すべての方々に、心からの感謝の気持ちを表したいと思います。
In Japan, the postwar generations now exceed eighty per cent of its population. We must not let our children, grandchildren, and even further generations to come, who have nothing to do with that war, be predestined to apologize. Still, even so, we Japanese, across generations, must squarely face the history of the past. We have the responsibility to inherit the past, in all humbleness, and pass it on to the future.
日本では、戦後生まれの世代が、今や、人口の八割を超えています。あの戦争には何ら関わりのない、私たちの子や孫、そしてその先の世代の子どもたちに、謝罪を続ける宿命を背負わせてはなりません。しかし、それでもなお、私たち日本人は、世代を超えて、過去の歴史に真正面から向き合わなければなりません。謙虚な気持ちで、過去を受け継ぎ、未来へと引き渡す責任があります。
Our parents’ and grandparents’ generations were able to survive in a devastated land in sheer poverty after the war. The future they brought about is the one our current generation inherited and the one we will hand down to the next generation. Together with the tireless efforts of our predecessors, this has only been possible through the goodwill and assistance extended to us that transcended hatred by a truly large number of countries, such as the United States, Australia, and European nations, which Japan had fiercely fought against as enemies.
私たちの親、そのまた親の世代が、戦後の焼け野原、貧しさのどん底の中で、命をつなぐことができた。そして、現在の私たちの世代、さらに次の世代へと、未来をつないでいくことができる。それは、先人たちのたゆまぬ努力と共に、敵として熾烈に戦った、米国、豪州、欧州諸国をはじめ、本当にたくさんの国々から、恩讐を越えて、善意と支援の手が差しのべられたおかげであります。
We must pass this down from generation to generation into the future. We have the great responsibility to take the lessons of history deeply into our hearts, to carve out a better future, and to make all possible efforts for the peace and prosperity of Asia and the world.
そのことを、私たちは、未来へと語り継いでいかなければならない。歴史の教訓を深く胸に刻み、より良い未来を切り拓いていく、アジア、そして世界の平和と繁栄に力を尽くす。その大きな責任があります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when Japan attempted to break its deadlock with force. Upon this reflection, Japan will continue to firmly uphold the principle that any disputes must be settled peacefully and diplomatically based on the respect for the rule of law and not through the use of force, and to reach out to other countries in the world to do the same. As the only country to have ever suffered the devastation of atomic bombings during war, Japan will fulfil its responsibility in the international community, aiming at the non-proliferation and ultimate abolition of nuclear weapons.
私たちは、自らの行き詰まりを力によって打開しようとした過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、いかなる紛争も、法の支配を尊重し、力の行使ではなく、平和的・外交的に解決すべきである。この原則を、これからも堅く守り、世界の国々にも働きかけてまいります。唯一の戦争被爆国として、核兵器の不拡散と究極の廃絶を目指し、国際社会でその責任を果たしてまいります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when the dignity and honour of many women were severely injured during wars in the 20th century. Upon this reflection, Japan wishes to be a country always at the side of such women’s injured hearts. Japan will lead the world in making the 21st century an era in which women’s human rights are not infringed upon.
私たちは、二十世紀において、戦時下、多くの女性たちの尊厳や名誉が深く傷つけられた過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、そうした女性たちの心に、常に寄り添う国でありたい。二十一世紀こそ、女性の人権が傷つけられることのない世紀とするため、世界をリードしてまいります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when forming economic blocs made the seeds of conflict thrive. Upon this reflection, Japan will continue to develop a free, fair and open international economic system that will not be influenced by the arbitrary intentions of any nation. We will strengthen assistance for developing countries, and lead the world toward further prosperity. Prosperity is the very foundation for peace. Japan will make even greater efforts to fight against poverty, which also serves as a hotbed of violence, and to provide opportunities for medical services, education, and self-reliance to all the people in the world.
私たちは、経済のブロック化が紛争の芽を育てた過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、いかなる国の恣意にも左右されない、自由で、公正で、開かれた国際経済システムを発展させ、途上国支援を強化し、世界の更なる繁栄を牽引してまいります。繁栄こそ、平和の礎です。暴力の温床ともなる貧困に立ち向かい、世界のあらゆる人々に、医療と教育、自立の機会を提供するため、一層、力を尽くしてまいります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when Japan ended up becoming a challenger to the international order. Upon this reflection, Japan will firmly uphold basic values such as freedom, democracy, and human rights as unyielding values and, by working hand in hand with countries that share such values, hoist the flag of “Proactive Contribution to Peace,” and contribute to the peace and prosperity of the world more than ever before.
私たちは、国際秩序への挑戦者となってしまった過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、自由、民主主義、人権といった基本的価値を揺るぎないものとして堅持し、その価値を共有する国々と手を携えて、「積極的平和主義」の旗を高く掲げ、世界の平和と繁栄にこれまで以上に貢献してまいります。
Heading toward the 80th, the 90th and the centennial anniversary of the end of the war, we are determined to create such a Japan together with the Japanese people.
終戦八十年、九十年、さらには百年に向けて、そのような日本を、国民の皆様と共に創り上げていく。その決意であります。
August 14, 2015
平成二十七年八月十四日
Shinzo Abe, Prime Minister of Japan
内閣総理大臣 安倍 晋三
EDITORIAL: Japan should open doors wider to welcome refugees
(社説)難民受け入れ 手を差しのべる姿勢を
One big humanitarian issue facing Japan is how it should deal with people who cannot remain in their own countries because of fears of possible persecution for race, religion or political opinions.
人種、宗教や政治的意見などで迫害を受けるおそれがあり、母国にとどまれない難民を、どう受け入れていくか。
The Justice Ministry will shortly decide on a basic five-year plan on Japan’s stance on accepting foreign nationals.
法務省が近く、今後5年間の外国人受け入れに関する基本計画を決めるという。
In the past three years, Japan has granted refugee status to only 35 people. Critics have long pointed out that Japan’s figure has been tiny in comparison with other industrialized countries, which accept 100 to 1,000 refugees for every one recognized by Japan.
日本の難民認定数は過去3年間で計35人にとどまる。過去をさかのぼっても、受け入れは他の主要国より2、3けた違いで少ないと指摘されてきた。
Worldwide, the number of people seeking asylum last year jumped 54 percent over the previous year to reach an all-time high, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
国連難民高等弁務官事務所(UNHCR)によると、昨年の世界の難民申請者は、前年の54%増で過去最多になった。
This rapid growth in refugees is one of the most pressing humanitarian challenges confronting the world. The Justice Ministry’s new plan for accepting foreign nationals should be designed to ensure Japan will fulfill its international responsibility to tackle the challenge.
難民は、いまの世界で最も切迫した人道問題の一つである。新計画は、国際責任をきちんと果たすものにすべきだ。
The ministry published a draft of its plan in June. It stressed Japan’s willingness to only accept people from other nations that it needs, such as those with particular skills and others who can work in the construction sector to help alleviate an expected shortage of workers in the lead-up to the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. However, the draft blueprint has created the impression that Japan is reluctant to accept more refugees.
法務省は計画案を6月に公開した。高度な専門性のある人、東京五輪に向けて建設分野で働ける人など日本側が必要とする外国人の受け入れを強調する一方、難民については後ろ向きの印象を与えている。
In analyzing the situation of asylum seekers in Japan, the document points out there are many foreign nationals who try to abuse the asylum system by applying for refugee status despite having no good reason for fearing persecution in their homeland.
迫害のおそれがあるとはいえないのに難民申請する乱用が多いと現状を分析。
The draft plan contains measures to deal with this problem. One measure would allow the ministry to reject asylum claims without full-scale screening in cases where the intention to abuse the program is clear. In such cases, the applicants would not be able to file a fresh application for refugee status until new relevant circumstances emerge.
そのうえで、乱用が明らかな場合は本格審査前に振り分け、一度認定されなければ再申請できるのは新しい事情が生じたときに限るなどの対策を盛り込んだ。
In the meantime, an advisory panel of experts for the ministry called for the creation of a system to provide relief to people who don’t qualify as refugees under the international treaty but who nevertheless need protection. Yet, the draft plan offers no specific road map toward the goal.
一方で、法務省の有識者会議が、国際条約でいう難民には当たらないものの保護の必要性がある人を救済するしくみを求めていたが、計画案はその具体的な道筋を示さなかった。
In an unusual move, the UNHCR has officially voiced concerns about the content of the draft plan. The U.N. refugee agency has pointed out the risk that some people who really need protection could be rejected as fake refugees under the plan.
そんな内容をめぐっては、UNHCRが懸念を公式に表明する異例の事態になった。真に保護が必要な人も偽装難民とされるおそれがあると指摘した。
The Justice Ministry should pay serious attention to the UNHCR’s warning as a candid opinion expressed by a legitimate, experienced international organization working in the area.
国際機関の率直な意見として、法務省は耳を傾けるべきだ。
Asylum seekers are allowed to work in Japan if they are residing legally in the country.
難民申請中は、正規滞在の人であれば就労を認められる。
As there is a limit on the number of ordinary foreign nationals allowed to work in Japan, some people may apply for refugee status purely to be qualified to work here. But that does not justify being too eager to raise the bar for all asylum seekers.
ふつうの外国人が日本国内で働ける枠が限られる中、就労資格を求めて難民申請する人はいるかもしれない。だが、だからといって認定の幅を狭めることには慎重であるべきだ。
It is not easy even for people who clearly qualify as refugees to prove that they deserve refugee status.
明らかに難民にあたる人でも自らそれを証明するのは簡単ではない。
Generally, people become refugees under various situations of confusion. It is not unusual that even legitimate asylum seekers are unable to produce documents to support their asylum claims.
難民になる事情にはさまざまな混乱が伴うのだから、証拠の文書を求められても困難な場合は珍しくない。
If the ministry intends to review the refugee screening process, the focus should be on why Japan has recognized only a far smaller number of refugees than other industrial nations and whether the screening is simply too rigorous.
審査のあり方を見直すのであればむしろ、なぜ各国に比べてここまで認定が少ないのか、審査が厳格すぎないかを、焦点に据えるべきだろう。
Given the situation in such regions as the Middle East and Africa, an overwhelming majority of people who really need protection cannot reach Japan to seek asylum.
中東、アフリカなどの状況では、保護を求めて日本までたどり着けない人が圧倒的に多い。
It is time for Japan to consider how it can provide effective relief to such people.
日本発でどう助けの手を差しのべるか、考えるときだ。
JAL must pledge anew safe flights on 30th anniversary of fatal accident
日航機墜落30年 安全運航への誓いを新たに
Wednesday marks the 30th anniversary of a JAL jumbo jet crash into Mt. Osutaka in Gunma Prefecture that claimed the lives of 520 passengers and crew members.
日航ジャンボ機が群馬県・御巣鷹山に墜落し、乗員乗客520人が犠牲になった事故から、12日で30年を迎える。
It was the worst single-airplane accident in the history of world aviation. Time has passed, but it cannot erase the grief of families who lost loved ones. We want to see the anniversary day serve as an opportunity to pledge anew to ensuring the safety of air travel without letting the memory of the accident fade.
単独機の事故としては今なお、世界の航空史上最悪の惨事だ。遺族の無念は、年月を経ても変わるまい。事故の記憶を風化させず、空の安全を改めて誓う日としたい。
The jumbo jet was involved in a tailstrike accident during a landing in 1978, seven years before the fatal 1985 crash. Due to subsequent inadequate repairs by Boeing Co. of the United States, the aircraft’s rear pressure bulkhead broke up in flight and this resulted in the crash, according to a conclusion by the then Aircraft Accident Investigation Commission.
ジャンボ機は墜落の7年前の1978年、着陸時に尻もち事故を起こしていた。この際の米ボーイング社による修理が不適切だったため、後部の圧力隔壁が飛行中に破断し、墜落の原因となった。
The commission told Japan Air Lines (currently Japan Airlines) that “its inspection methods were not adequate.”
当時の航空事故調査委員会は、こう結論付け、日本航空に対しても、「点検方法に十分とはいえない点があった」と指摘した。
After the 1985 disaster, the airline carried out improvement measures, including an overhaul of its maintenance system. Despite this, it received a business improvement order from the Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism Ministry in 2005 in the aftermath of the revelation of multiple instances of inadequate maintenance.
日航は事故後、整備システムの全面見直しなどを実施した。それにもかかわらず、2005年に整備ミスなどが相次ぎ、国土交通省から事業改善命令を受けた。
As one countermeasure, JAL established the Safety Promotion Center in 2006 at Haneda Airport. The center has played a major role as the hub for safety education for its employees. Looking at the wreckage of the pressure bulkhead, as well as articles and notes left by the victims, helps to impress upon employees the importance of safe flight operations.
対応策として、06年に羽田空港内に設けた「安全啓発センター」は、社員教育の拠点として大きな役割を果たしている。圧力隔壁の残骸や遺品、遺書を目にすることで、社員は安全運航の大切さを再認識する。
All 35,000 JAL employees, including those from its group companies, had taken part in seminars at the center as of last March. More than 90 percent of JAL’s current employees joined the airline after the accident. This makes the importance of inheriting lessons from the disaster even greater.
グループ企業を含めた3万5000人の全社員が、今年3月までに研修を受けた。今では、事故後に入社した社員が9割以上を占める。事故の教訓を継承する安全教育の重要性は増している。
Cultivate safety-first mindset
At the time of its financial management crisis in 2010, JAL put forth “safe flight operations” as the primary goal of its management as it worked toward revitalization. We want JAL to establish corporate culture that gives top priority to safety.
日航は10年の経営危機を機に、再生へ向けた経営目標の第一に「安全運航」を掲げた。その理念を忘れず、安全最優先の企業風土を築き上げてもらいたい。
Since the 1985 JAL accident, there have been no passenger fatalities due to domestic airline accidents. However, “serious incidents” that might very well have led to great disasters have not ceased to happen. In June at Naha Airport, for example, an All Nippon Airways jetliner ready to take off was interrupted by an Air Self-Defense Force helicopter flying across its path.
日航機事故後、国内航空会社で乗客が死亡する事故はない。ただし、一歩間違えば大惨事となりかねない重大インシデントは後を絶たない。6月には那覇空港で、離陸直前の全日空機の前を自衛隊ヘリが横切るトラブルがあった。
The total number of landings at domestic airports has nearly doubled from 30 years ago. Given the market participation of low-cost carriers and other factors, domestic airline companies face harsh competition. But they can never be allowed to neglect efforts to ensure safety in flight operations.
国内空港の総着陸回数は30年前の2倍近くに増えた。格安航空会社(LCC)の参入などで、航空会社は激しい競争にさらされているが、安全運航への取り組みを怠ることは、決して許されない。
Well known in this regard is Heinrich’s Law, which states, “For every accident that causes a major injury, there are 29 accidents that cause minor injuries and 300 accidents that cause no injuries.” It is essential to share information among those involved in the civil aviation industry and to prevent accidents by nipping them in the bud while they are still at the stage of small mistakes.
重大事故の背景には、29件の軽微な事故と300件の小さなミスがあるとする「ハインリッヒの法則」が知られる。航空業界で情報を共有し、小さなミスの段階で事故の芽を摘むことが大切だ。
The transport ministry last year launched a system under which airlines are asked to voluntarily report even small operational mistakes, for which reporting is not mandatory, and information that should be made known is then published. The system must be used to prevent further accidents.
国土交通省は昨年、報告義務のない小さなミスも航空会社に自発的に報告させ、周知すべき情報は公開する制度をスタートした。事故防止に役立てたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 11, 2015)
EDITORIAL: ‘Unconstitutional’ security bills set no limit on military logistical support
(社説)「違憲」法案 限定なき兵站の中身
Discussions on the content of military logistics (or “rear-echelon support” in the parlance of current politics) to be provided overseas by Japan’s Self-Defense Forces have emerged as a focus of attention during deliberations in the Upper House over a controversial package of new security-related bills.
新たな安全保障関連法案をめぐる参院審議で、自衛隊が海外で行う兵站(へいたん)(後方支援)の中身の議論が焦点になっている。
We simply cannot believe our ears at the sheer extent of the limitlessness and the breadth of discretion to be given to the government.
あまりの無限定ぶりと、政府の裁量の幅広さに耳を疑う。
During the last several days of debate, the government has explained that it would be legally allowed to provide the following services to foreign troops:
ここ数日の審議で、政府が法律上、他国軍に対して可能だと説明したのは次の通りだ。
[Transport of weaponry and ammunition] Missiles and tanks of the U.S. military forces, chemical weapons, toxic gas weapons and nuclear weapons
【武器弾薬の輸送】米軍のミサイルや戦車、化学兵器、毒ガス兵器、核兵器
[Supply of ammunition] Grenades, rocket bombs, tank ammunition, nuclear weapons, depleted uranium munitions, cluster bombs
【弾薬の提供】手榴(しゅりゅう)弾、ロケット弾、戦車砲弾、核兵器、劣化ウラン弾、クラスター爆弾
[Refueling] Airborne and seaborne refueling of U.S. fighter jets and combat helicopters that are embarking on bombing missions, and refueling of fighter jets and bombers that carry nuclear missiles or nuclear bombs
【給油活動】爆撃に向かう米軍の戦闘機や戦闘ヘリに対する空中給油や洋上の給油。核ミサイルや核爆弾を積んだ戦闘機や爆撃機への給油
There is no doubt that the bills would significantly expand the leeway for discretion to be used by the administration of the time when compared with the existing legislation, which does not allow Japan to supply ammunition or provide other services to foreign troops. At the very least, virtually no restriction is expected to be set by the text of the legislation.
弾薬の提供などが認められていないこれまでの法制に比べ、時の政権の裁量の余地が大きく広がっているのは間違いない。少なくとも、法文上の歯止めはないに等しい。
For example, Defense Minister Gen Nakatani made a nuanced remark in regard to the transport of cluster bombs, which scatter bomblets over broad areas and create serious threats from unexploded bomblets. He said the transport of cluster bombs “will not be ruled out legally, but decisions will be made carefully, because Japan is signatory to an international convention that totally bans their use and manufacture.”
たとえば広範囲に子爆弾が飛び散り、不発弾被害も深刻なクラスター爆弾の輸送について、中谷防衛相は「法律上排除はしないが、日本は使用や製造を全面禁止した条約締結国で、慎重に判断する」と含みを残した。
Nakatani also remained noncommittal on the transport of depleted uranium munitions, which contain radioactive substances, when he said, “I cannot say definitively if it will be allowed to transport depleted uranium munitions of other countries.”
放射性物質を含む劣化ウラン弾の輸送も「他国の劣化ウラン弾を輸送できるか確定的に言えない」と明言を避けた。
The government takes the stance that Japan will consider all factors at hand in making policy decisions on whether to actually put into practice something that is legally allowed. It is certainly true that Japan has no way to supply nuclear weapons, depleted uranium munitions or cluster bombs, none of which it possesses, to foreign troops.
法律上は可能であっても、実際に行うかどうかは総合的に政策判断する、というのが政府の立場だ。事実、日本は核兵器や劣化ウラン弾、クラスター爆弾を持っておらず、他国軍に提供できないのはその通りだ。
But speaking in general terms, it appears unlikely for Tokyo to refuse Washington’s strong request for transport operations, except in extremely improbable cases, such as the transport of nuclear weapons.
ただ、核兵器の輸送などおよそ想定しにくいケースはまだしも、一般的に米国から輸送を強く要請された時、日本政府が拒むことは考えにくい。
It has so far been believed that unconstitutionality of operations that are construed as constituting “integrated use of force with foreign troops” would apply the brakes of sorts on similar operations. It has been learned, however, that Japan’s SDF transported armed U.S. soldiers during its airlift operations in Iraq. Given that, there could be a situation where anything goes if the security bills become law.
これまでは、他国軍との武力行使の一体化にあたり、憲法違反になることが一応の歯止めとされていた。それでも、イラクでの自衛隊の空輸活動では、武装した米兵らを輸送していたことが明らかになった。これで安保法案が成立したら、なんでもありにならないか。
The bills do not limit the beneficiary of logistical support to U.S. troops. They would allow logistical support to be provided anywhere except in areas of “ongoing combat.” They would allow Japan to supply ammunition to foreign troops, transport weaponry and ammunition for foreign troops, and refuel aircraft of foreign troops being prepared for takeoff. They would allow Japan to do so anywhere in the world.
法案では、兵站の対象は米軍に限らない。実施地域も「現に戦闘を行っている現場」以外は容認される。世界のどこでも他国軍に弾薬が提供でき、武器弾薬を輸送でき、発進準備中の航空機への給油もできる。
And they allow leeway for policy decisions to be made and discretion to be used by the administration of the time to provide this much military logistical support, which could constitute “integrated use of force with foreign troops.”
他国軍の武力行使と一体化しかねないこれだけの兵站が、時の政権の政策判断、裁量によってできる余地がある。
We are only led to suspect ever more strongly that the security bills are unconstitutional, not only because they are based on a controversial decision to lift the country’s self-imposed ban on exercising the right to collective self-defense, but also because they are expected to allow logistical support to this extent to be provided.
集団的自衛権の行使容認だけでなく、兵站の中身をみても、違憲の疑いがますます濃い。
EDITORIAL: Concerns about evacuations in nuclear emergencies continue unabated
(社説)川内再稼働を前に 避難の不安が置き去りだ
The 2011 nuclear disaster resulted in a horrifying scenario in which nuclear fuel inside reactors melted down, triggering a massive release of radioactive materials into the environment outside the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
原子炉内の核燃料が溶け、大量の放射性物質が発電所の外にばらまかれる。福島第一原発事故で、私たちが目の当たりにした現実だ。
The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has proposed a system of five layers of safety measures for nuclear power plants. The nuclear watchdog urges each country operating nuclear power plants to adopt this approach, known as “defense-in-depth,” to ensure the facilities operate safely.
国際原子力機関(IAEA)は、原発の安全を保つ対策を5層に分類して、各国に求めてきている。
The final barrier in this system is prevention of radiation exposure to people living in areas around nuclear power plants.
その「最後の壁」が周辺住民の被曝(ひばく)を防ぐ対策だ。
Specifically, this fifth and final stage of defense-in-depth should be implemented in the form of plans developed by the central and local governments to mitigate the consequences of nuclear accidents and evacuate local residents.
これを具体化するのが国や自治体の防災計画と避難計画だ。
When the Fukushima disaster occurred, however, no effective plan existed for the mass evacuation of local residents in Japan. This is because the possibility of a severe nuclear accident had been ruled out.
ところが「過酷事故は起きない」としてきた日本には、多数の住民が避難する想定もなかった。
As a result, the accident triggered utter chaos in local communities around the Fukushima plant.
実際に事故が起きると、被災地は大混乱に陥った。
Now, more than four years since the disaster unfolded, Kyushu Electric Power Co.’s Sendai nuclear power plant in Kagoshima Prefecture is expected to restart its No. 1 reactor as early as Aug. 11.
あれから4年余り。九州電力川内原発(鹿児島県薩摩川内市)が11日にも再稼働する。
But the mitigation and evacuation plans currently in place are far from reassuring to local residents. The responsibility to establish the “final barrier” and ensure the safety of residents rests with the local government. There should be no headlong rush toward restarting the reactor when serious safety concerns persist.
しかし、防災・避難計画は到底、住民が安心できるものではない。「最後の壁」を整え、住民の安全を守る責任は自治体にある。不安を残したまま、再稼働に突き進んではならない。
SERIOUSNESS OF EVACUATION PLANS QUESTIONED
■命を守る気があるか
After the Fukushima accident, the central government made it mandatory for all local governments within 30 kilometers of a nuclear power plant to develop disaster mitigation and evacuation plans.
事故後、国は原発の30キロ圏の自治体に防災・避難計画づくりを義務づけた。
All the nine municipalities within 30 km of the Sendai plant have drawn up such plans. The total population of the areas covered is about 210,000.
川内原発周辺の7市2町はすべて作成済みだ。対象人口は21万人にのぼる。
Takuro Eto, 58, who operates a daytime care service for the elderly in Ichikikushikino, a city located about 17 km from the Sendai plant, is deeply skeptical about the evacuation plan crafted by the municipal government.
原発から約17キロのいちき串木野市で、デイサービス施設を営む江藤卓朗さん(58)は、避難計画への不信感を募らせる。
“Are they really serious about protecting the lives of people?” he said.
「命を守る気があるのか」と。
Many of the 10 or so elderly people who regularly come to Eto’s facility are suffering from dementia. If a serious nuclear accident occurs, they are required to return to their homes before being evacuated, according to the city’s evacuation plan.
施設に通う約10人のお年寄りの多くは認知症を患う。市の避難計画に従えば、いったん自宅に戻すことになる。
One of these patients lives alone in a house located within 10 km of the plant.
だがある利用者の家は原発から10キロ以内にあり、ひとり暮らしだ。
“Are we supposed to have this patient return home, which is located closer to the plant?” Eto said indignantly. “How can we ask our staffers to escort the patient home (in such an emergency)?”
「わざわざ近くに帰すのか。職員にも『送って』と言えるのか」と江藤さんは悩む。
How to evacuate people who cannot move on their own, such as the residents of nursing homes and hospital inpatients, also poses a challenge.
老人ホームの入所者や病院の入院患者ら自力では動けない人たちの避難も難題だ。
The Kagoshima prefectural government has secured evacuation destinations for the 17 nursing homes and hospitals within 10 km of the Sendai plant. As for the 227 facilities located between 10 and 30 km from the plant, however, the local government has decided to do computer searches after an accident happens to find facilities that can accommodate those evacuees.
鹿児島県は10キロ圏の17施設は避難先を確保したが、10~30キロ圏の227施設は、県が事故後にコンピューターで避難先を探し、個別連絡することにした。
An employee at a home for elderly people requiring special care located within a 30-km radius of the nuclear plant voices anxiety about the plan.
“We have only one staff member on night duty," the employee said. "How can the staffer deal with evacuating the residents to an unfamiliar place in an emergency?”
30キロ圏の特別養護老人ホーム職員は「夜勤時は職員が1人だけ。いきなり知らないところへ避難しろと言われてもどうすればいいのか」と不安を漏らす。
Despite such concerns, the prefectural government has no plan to carry out an evacuation drill involving local residents to test the effectiveness of the evacuation plan before the reactor is brought back online.
だが県は、避難計画の実効性を確かめる住民参加型訓練を再稼働前には実施しない方針だ。
“Kyushu Electric Power currently has no time (for such a drill) as it is busy with inspections prior to the reactor restart,” Kagoshima Governor Yuichi Ito said.
伊藤祐一郎知事は「使用前検査で九州電力に余裕がない」と説明する。
An Asahi Shimbun survey revealed that 66 percent of medical institutions and 49 percent of social welfare facilities within 30 km of nuclear power plants across Japan have not compiled mandatory evacuation plans specifying evacuation destinations, routes and transportation means to be used in the event of an accident.
朝日新聞の調べでは、全国の原発の30キロ圏にある医療機関の66%、社会福祉施設の49%が、避難先や経路、移動手段の避難計画をまだ作っていない。
DIALOGUE WITH LOCAL RESIDENTS ESSENTIAL
■住民との対話不可欠
The fifth level of the IAEA’s defense-in-depth safety approach--the final barrier--should be designed to work effectively to protect public health even in cases in which all the other four layers of defense have failed.
IAEAの「最後の壁」は、ほかの4層がすべて突破されたことを前提とし、それでも有効に機能することが大原則だ。
In Japan, this stage of defense is the local government’s responsibility. Evacuation plans are not covered by the Nuclear Regulation Authority’s safety assessments. Such plans are to be simply approved by the nuclear disaster prevention council, headed by the prime minister.
日本でこの対策を担うのは自治体だ。原子力規制委員会は避難計画を審査対象にしていない。首相がトップの原子力防災会議も計画を「了承」するだけだ。
It should be assumed that the responsibility for protecting local residents from nuclear accidents lies with the local government, which is abreast of special regional circumstances.
住民を守る責任はまず、地域の事情に通じた自治体が負っていると考えるべきだ。
According to experts, in the disaster at the Fukushima No.1 plant, even the nuclear fuel pool of the No. 4 reactor, which was offline at that time, was at risk of a severe accident.
第一原発の事故では、運転休止中だった4号機燃料プールも過酷事故に陥る可能性があったと指摘されている。
One vital lesson from the catastrophe is that the mere existence of a nuclear reactor poses serious safety risks.
原発は存在するだけでリスクであることが、事故の教訓でもある。
Evacuation plans are indispensable, whether the reactors are restarted or not.
再稼働する、しないに関わらず、避難計画は必要不可欠なのだ。
To be sure, it is almost impossible to create a perfect evacuation plan. But it is possible to clarify what can be done, ascertain problems to be solved and explain them to local residents.
確かに、完璧な避難計画を求めることには無理はある。だが、何ができて、どんな課題があるのかを明らかにし、住民に説明することはできる。
To do so, the local governments of areas where nuclear plants are located need to conduct drills to test the effectiveness of their mitigation and evacuation plans and hold the necessary dialogue with local residents.
そのために自治体は訓練を通じて防災・避難計画の実効性を検証し、住民と対話を重ねるべきだ。
It is said that a two-stage evacuation approach is effective during nuclear emergencies. Under this approach, residents within 5 km of the plant should be evacuated first. People living between 5 and 30 km from the plant should first take refuge indoors to wait for their own evacuation.
原発事故時には、5キロ圏の住民がまず避難し、5~30キロ圏は屋内退避の後、避難する「2段階避難」が有効とされる。
It is obvious that this approach does not work without the understanding and cooperation of the local residents.
住民の理解と協力なしにうまくいかないのは、明らかだ。
If local governments are responsible for the safety of their residents, they should also be involved in the process of deciding on whether to restart reactors.
自治体が住民の安全確保に責任を負うなら、原発再稼働の是非に関与するのは当然だ。
Currently, however, under agreements with electric utilities, only the prefectures and municipalities that host nuclear power plants have the right to agree to reactor restarts. But this right should also be given at least to all the local governments in the 30-km zone that are obliged to map out evacuation plans.
電力会社との協定を根拠に、今は原発が立地する道県と市町村だけが持つ「同意権」を、少なくとも、防災・避難計画づくりの義務を負う30キロ圏の全自治体に認めるべきだ。
Nuclear reactors should be considered to be too dangerous if the local governments of areas that can be affected by accidents involving the reactors refuse to support their operations. These reactors should be decommissioned as soon as possible.
被害が及びうる自治体の同意さえ得られない原発は危険度も高いといえる。早めの廃炉につなげるべきだ。
CONTINUED FAILURE TO ACT
■不作為を重ねるのか
The Diet’s investigative committee that looked into the Fukushima accident has pointed out that little serious effort has been made in Japan to establish even the fourth level of the IAEA’s defense-in-depth strategy for nuclear safety, or control of severe plant conditions, the stage before the final barrier.
国会の事故調査委員会は、IAEAの5層の防護策のうち、「最後の壁」の前に位置する過酷事故への備え(4層)も、日本はほとんど取り組んでこなかった、と指摘している。
In 2006, the Nuclear Safety Commission tried to make a sweeping review based on the IAEA standards of the priority areas designated under the government’s nuclear disaster prevention policy. But the plan was dropped in the face of opposition from the Nuclear and Industrial Safety Agency, which feared such a review would provoke anxiety among local residents, according to the findings of the investigation.
旧原子力安全委員会は06年、IAEA基準に沿って防災対策重点地域を見直そうとしたが、原子力安全・保安院が「住民に不安を与える」と抵抗し、見送られたこともわかっている。
The radiation exposure that afflicted many residents around the Fukushima plant could have been avoided. Many patients in hospitals who were not evacuated quickly enough died due to deteriorating health conditions. More than 1,900 people in Fukushima Prefecture have died due to causes related to the nuclear accident.
避けられたはずの被曝を住民は余儀なくされ、救出が遅れた病院で入院患者が体調悪化で相次いで亡くなった。福島県内の関連死は1900人を超す。
Have all the relevant lessons from the calamity been gleaned and absorbed to prevent any further casualties of administrative nonfeasance?
行政の不作為による犠牲者を生まないため、教訓を徹底的に引き出しているのか。
This is the question local governments should ask first in examining and evaluating their abilities to protect residents from nuclear accidents.
自治体はそこから点検してほしい。
Intl community must unite in resolve to undermine ISIL’s strength
「イスラム国」 弱体化へ国際社会は結束せよ
To weaken and eventually eliminate a brutal extremist organization, the international community must work together to tighten its noose around it.
残忍な過激派組織の弱体化、壊滅という目標に向けて、国際社会は包囲網を強化すべきだ。
One year has passed since U.S. forces launched airstrikes against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL).
米軍が「イスラム国」に対する空爆を開始してから1年が過ぎた。
As a result of about 6,000 air raids carried out by the United States and an international “coalition of the willing” in Iraq and Syria so far, more than 15,000 ISIL fighters, including some of its leaders, have been killed. Some crude oil facilities, a major source of revenue for the ISIL, and its military installations have been destroyed.
米国と有志連合の国々がイラクとシリアで実施した約6000回の空爆により、「イスラム国」の幹部を含む戦闘員1万5000人以上が死亡した。収入源の原油関連施設や軍事施設も破壊した。
Although the air raids have achieved some military gains, prospects for a complete victory over the ISIL remain questionable.
一定の戦果を上げたものの、掃討の見通しは依然、厳しい。
The recruitment of fighters by the ISIL continues, and there is no sign the strength of the extremist group — believed to be between 20,000 and 30,000 fighters — is weakening. Mosul, Iraq’s second largest city captured by the ISIL last year, remains under its rule. Its fighting methods, such as suicide assaults, are reportedly getting more extreme.
「イスラム国」への戦闘員の流入はやまず、2万~3万人とされる勢力に衰えは見えない。昨年制圧したイラク第2の都市モスルでの支配も続く。自爆攻撃など戦闘方法は過激化する一方という。
The menace of extremist groups aligned with the ISIL has spread alarmingly not only throughout the Middle East and Africa but also South Asia and Russia.
同調する過激派の脅威は、中東やアフリカにとどまらず、南アジア、ロシアにも広がっている。
Multifaceted, tenacious endeavors are imperative to stamp out the ISIL. United efforts to address this challenge by the countries concerned must be strengthened even more.
多角的で粘り強い取り組みが掃討につながる。関係国の結束を一段と強めていく必要がある。
The airstrike operations are fraught with many difficulties, such as how to distinguish targets that are hiding among civilians. To make the operations effective, deployment of ground troops is a prerequisite, and the United States has been exerting efforts toward this end by training local forces.
空爆には、住民に紛れた標的の識別など、多くの困難が伴う。効果を上げるには地上部隊が欠かせないため、米国は、現地で戦闘要員の育成を進めている。
Turkish role key factor
Prospective local troops trained by the U.S. forces, however, number no more than 11,000 or so in Iraq and a few dozen in Syria. Training more local troops is urgently needed.
しかし、米軍が訓練し終えた要員はイラクで約1万1000人、シリアでは数十人に過ぎない。部隊の養成へテコ入れが課題だ。
The United States has been looking for ways to restructure its strategy, as exemplified by an agreement with Turkey, a country bordering Syria, to expand air raids against the ISIL.
米国は、シリアの隣国トルコと空爆拡大への協力で合意するなど戦略の再構築を模索している。
Earlier, it was noted that Turkey, after placing top priority on ousting the regime of Syrian President Bashar Assad, has assumed a lukewarm attitude in responding to the ISIL. Recently, however, Turkey allowed U.S. bombers to use an air base located in Turkey, and that base has been used by U.S. drones to make sorties for the first time.
トルコは従来、シリアのアサド政権打倒を優先し、「イスラム国」への対応が甘いと指摘されていた。だが、最近、米軍機に空爆のための国内基地使用を認め、米無人機が初めて出撃した。
With the aim of beefing up pressure on Raqqa, the key ISIL stronghold in northern Syria, U.S. forces are poised to conduct intensive air raids targeting ISIL fighters near the Turkish border. Attention should be focused on whether the planned air raids will prove to be the first step to turning around the course of the war.
今後、「イスラム国」の牙城であるシリア北部ラッカへの圧力を高めるため、米軍はトルコとの国境沿いで戦闘員を狙った空爆を集中的に行う構えだ。戦況好転への一歩となるか、注視したい。
To stem the inflow of fighters and weapons for the ISIL across the Turkish border, bolstering surveillance at the border, which stretches more than 900 kilometers, is important.
トルコからの戦闘員や武器の流入を阻むには、900キロを超える国境の監視強化も重要だ。
A problem in this connection is that Turkey has begun attacking minority ethnic Kurds in Iraq and Syria. This campaign is aimed at the possibility of those Kurds collaborating with Kurdish antigovernment armed groups operating in Turkey.
懸念されるのは、トルコがイラクとシリアで少数民族クルド人勢力を攻撃し始めたことだ。自国のクルド系反政府武装組織との連携に対する警戒感が背景にある。
Weakening the influence of the Kurds that have been playing a part in the fight to eradicate the ISIL will undermine the effort to contain it. Turkey should exercise self-restraint in this respect.
「イスラム国」掃討の一翼を担うクルド人勢力の力をそげば、包囲網は弱まる。トルコの自制が求められる。
In addition, improvement of the human rights situation in the conflict-racked region is a matter of urgency. In July, the Japanese government decided to provide about ¥1.2 billion in emergency assistance to Iraq — about 3.1 million Iraqis are internally displaced people. Japan must fulfill its responsibility in fields other than military affairs.
人道状況の改善は急務だ。日本は7月、国内避難民が約310万人に上るイラクに約12億円の緊急援助を決めた。非軍事支援で応分の責任を果たさねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 9, 2015)
Japan should patiently press issue of abductions with North Korea
日朝外相会談 拉致問題解決を粘り強く迫れ
The government is expected to move the issue of Japanese nationals abducted by North Korean agents forward by using the fact that a high-level meeting has been held between Tokyo and Pyongyang as leverage.
高いレベルでの北朝鮮との会談の実現をテコにして、日本人拉致問題の前進を図りたい。
Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida met his North Korean counterpart, Ri Su Yong, on the sidelines of meetings held by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Malaysia.
マレーシアで行われた東南アジア諸国連合(ASEAN)の一連の関連会議に合わせ、岸田外相が北朝鮮の李洙●外相と会談した。(●は土へんに庸)
Kishida protested to Ri during their talks that although Pyongyang has conducted reinvestigations on the abduction of Japanese nationals by its agents for more than a year, it has not reported any results. Kishida called it “regrettable” and asked the North Korean government again to send all the abduction victims home as soon as possible.
北朝鮮の拉致被害者再調査が1年以上行われているのに、報告が一切ないことについて、岸田氏は「遺憾だ」と抗議した。全被害者の早期帰国も改めて求めた。
Ri told him that his government has been reinvestigating the incidents sincerely based on the agreement made between Tokyo and Pyongyang.
李氏は、「(日朝両政府の)合意に基づき、調査を誠実に履行している」と弁明した。
Only North Korean leader Kim Jong Un can make a political decision to clarify the whole picture of the abductions, which are a state crime, and allow the victims to come home quickly.
拉致という国家犯罪の全容を明らかにし、被害者を速やかに日本へ帰国させる。その政治決断は、金正恩第1書記しか下せない。
In that sense, it is meaningful that Kishida could directly tell Ri, a powerful figure allegedly close to Kim, the importance of solving the abduction issue.
金第1書記と近い実力者とされる李氏に拉致問題解決の重要性を直接伝えた意義は小さくない。
It is important not to make the foreign ministerial meeting between Japan and North Korea a one-time event but to connect it to the progress of the reinvestigation.
重要なのは、日朝外相会談を1回限りのものにせず、再調査の進展に結びつけることだ。
Instead of only a brief contact, Ri agreed this time to 30-minute-long talks with his Japanese counterpart.
李氏は今回、短時間の接触でなく、約30分間の会談に応じた。
Pyongyang intends to force Japan to relax sanctions and extend food aid to North Korea in return for the reinvestigation. It apparently wants to avoid international isolation by maintaining talks with Japan.
北朝鮮には、再調査の見返りに、日本から制裁緩和や食糧支援などを引き出す思惑がある。国際的な孤立を回避するため、日本との交渉自体は継続したいのだろう。
Strategic move necessary
The government must make a strategic move that no longer allows North Korea to play for time or maneuver cleverly.
政府に求められるのは、北朝鮮にこれ以上の時間稼ぎや駆け引きを許さない戦略的取り組みだ。
Pyongyang claims that it has been conducting a comprehensive reinvestigation of the abductions, including issues related to remains of Japanese victims. However, the priority of the reinvestigation should be on the abduction victims who cannot come home yet.
北朝鮮は、日本人遺骨問題を含めた包括的な再調査を行っていると主張する。だが、最優先すべきは未帰国の拉致被害者である。
If the North Koreans remain unable to report even information about the fate of the abductees, resumption of sanctions, which were lifted last year, and introduction of new measures such as prohibition of money transfers to North Korea cannot be avoided.
安否情報の通報さえない状況が続くなら、昨年解除した制裁の復活や、送金の原則禁止などの新たな措置を取らざるを得まい。
The government should strongly urge North Korea to report on the progress of the reinvestigation. One option might be setting a new deadline for progress.
再調査の進捗しんちょく状況の報告を強く促すべきだ。再調査に改めて期限を設けるのも選択肢となろう。
In Malaysia, Kishida also held separate talks with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and South Korean Foreign Minister Yun Byung Se, both of whom also attended the ASEAN meetings.
マレーシアで岸田氏は、会議に出席した中国の王毅、韓国の尹炳世両外相とも個別に会談した。
In reference to a statement Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is going to issue to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II, Wan said that he expected Abe to “face history with a responsible attitude.” Yun said he expects Abe to “reconfirm the perception of history held by past cabinets.” Kishida replied to them that the Abe Cabinet will “succeed the positions of the past cabinets in general.”
王氏は安倍首相の戦後70年談話に関し、「歴史に責任ある態度で向き合ってほしい」と語った。尹氏は「歴代内閣の歴史認識の再確認を期待する」と述べた。岸田氏は「歴代内閣の立場を全体として引き継ぐ」と説明した。
The Advisory Panel on the History of the 20th Century and on Japan’s Role and World Order in the 21st Century submitted a report to the prime minister that it compiled after discussing the planned statement. “Japan expanded its aggression” after the 1931 Manchurian Incident, the panel said in the report. “Based on the deep remorse [for the war], Japan has been reborn as a country that is completely different from what it was … ”
談話内容を検討した有識者懇談会は、日本が満州事変以後、「侵略」を拡大し、戦後は先の大戦への「痛切な反省」に基づき、全く異なる国に生まれ変わったとする報告書を安倍首相に提出した。
In the planned statement, the prime minister should review Japan’s past based on the perception of history presented in the report and clearly announce his will to build future-oriented relations with both China and South Korea.
首相は談話で、報告書の歴史認識を踏まえて過去を総括し、中韓両国と未来志向の関係を構築する意思を明確に打ち出すべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 8, 2015)
Abe must clearly admit ‘aggression’ in anniversary statement on WWII
70年談話懇報告 首相も「侵略」を明確に認めよ
◆過去への反省と謝罪が欠かせぬ◆
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe must send a clear message that Japan made a fresh start in the postwar period based on its reflection on the past misguided war.
戦後日本が過去の誤った戦争への反省に立って再出発したことを、明確なメッセージとして打ち出さねばならない。
The Advisory Panel on the History of the 20th Century and on Japan’s Role and World Order in the 21st Century has submitted to Abe a report compiled after its discussions on the statement he will release next week to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II.
来週発表される戦後70年談話を巡って議論を重ねてきた21世紀構想懇談会が、安倍首相に報告書を提出した。
The report evaluated the postwar international contribution Japan made after learning lessons from its prewar failures and pointed out the need to make greater efforts to realize its proactive contribution to world peace.
報告書は、戦前の失敗に学んだ戦後日本の国際協調の歩みを評価し、積極的平和主義を一層具現化していく必要性を指摘した。
The report determined that Japan expanded its “aggression” against the continent after the Manchurian Incident of 1931. This historical perspective can be regarded as hitting the nail on the head.
その中で、日本が1931年の満州事変以後、大陸への「侵略」を拡大したと認定した。的を射た歴史認識と言える。
A turning point
◆「満州事変」が分岐点だ
However, the report contained a footnote that there were some dissenting views among panel members concerning the use of the word “aggression.” According to the report, the reasons for this included that the definition of “aggression” has not been established under international law and there is an objection from a historical perspective to stating that the series of events from the Manchurian Incident onward constituted “aggression.”
一方で報告書は、「侵略」に脚注を付し、一部委員から異議が出たことも示した。国際法上「侵略」の定義が定まっていないこと、歴史的にも満州事変以後を「侵略」と断定するには異論があることなどが理由に挙げられた。
But acts of sending troops into territories of a foreign country and infringing on its sovereignty have been defined by historians as “aggression.”
だが、歴史学者の間では、軍隊を送り込んで他国の領土や主権を侵害することが「侵略」だと定義されてきた。
In this sense, the series of acts from the Manchurian Incident onward obviously constituted “aggression.” It is irrational to refute that it was for the purpose of defense. The events also constituted a violation of the antiwar treaty signed in 1928 that banned wars except for defensive purposes.
その意味で、満州事変以後の行為は明らかに侵略である。自衛のためという抗弁は通らない。自衛以外の戦争を禁止した28年の不戦条約にも違反していた。
It is not acceptable to argue defiantly that the United States and European countries also committed aggression. It is also wrong to assert that Japan waged the war for the liberation of Asia.
他の欧米諸国も侵略をしたという開き直りは通用しない。日本はアジア解放のために戦争をしたという主張も誤りと言えよう。
The report also said: “Japan acted counter to the tide of self-determination. Colonial rule became particularly harsh from the second half of the 1930s on.”
報告書はまた、日本が「民族自決の大勢に逆行し、特に30年代後半から、植民地支配が過酷化した」との見解を示した。
It added that “Japan’s postwar trajectory is based on a thorough reflection of its actions in the 1930s and the first half of the 1940s.” The report also pointed out the need to work toward achieving reconciliation with China and South Korea. Both points are significant.
戦後日本の歩みは「30年代から40年代前半の行動に対する全面的な反省の上に成り立っている」と記した。中国や韓国との和解に向けた努力が必要なことにも言及した。いずれも重要な指摘だ。
The report expresses no opinion on whether Abe should offer an apology. “Whether or not to make an apology is the prime minister’s decision,” Shinichi Kitaoka, the panel’s deputy chairman and president of International University of Japan, said at a press conference. Even so, we think it would have been good if the panel had considered how such an apology might be offered.
報告書は、謝罪に関しては提言していない。座長代理の北岡伸一国際大学長は記者会見で、「お詫わびするかどうかは首相の判断だ」と述べたが、お詫びの仕方を検討してもよかったのではないか。
National interests at stake
◆誤解招けば国益を害す
The report’s introduction states, “The Panel hopes that this Report serves as a reference for the statement to be issued on the 70th anniversary of the end of the war.”
報告書前文には「戦後70年を機に出される談話の参考となることを期待する」と記されている。
One closely watched element of Abe’s statement will be his handling of key words that were contained in the statement issued by then Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama to mark the 50th anniversary of the end of the war, and the statement by then Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi to mark the 60th anniversary. Both of these statements explicitly expressed “deep remorse” for Japan’s “colonial rule and aggression” and stated a “heartfelt apology.”
安倍首相談話で注目されているのは、戦後50年の村山首相談話と60年の小泉首相談話に盛り込まれたキーワードの扱いだ。これら二つの談話には「植民地支配と侵略」への「痛切な反省」と「心からのお詫び」が明記されていた。
We don’t think the political meaning of Abe’s statement should be judged automatically by its use — or omission — of key words from the earlier statements. Be that as it may, the international community will be carefully observing what kind of historical perception is displayed by the Japanese prime minister.
過去の首相談話のキーワードの有無だけで、今回の談話の政治的意味を機械的に判断すべきではないだろう。とはいえ、日本の首相がどのような歴史認識を示すのか、国際社会は注視している。
Abe previously stirred up controversy when he said the word “aggression” has no established definition in the international community.
安倍首相は「侵略の定義は国際的にも定まっていない」と語り、物議を醸したことがある。
In an article contributed to The Yomiuri Shimbun, former Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone asserted, “From the viewpoint of those peoples, the Japanese military stepped into their countries with their boots on, and this was unmistakably an act of aggression.”
中曽根元首相は、本紙への寄稿の中で「現地の人からすれば日本軍が土足で入り込んできたわけで、まぎれもない侵略行為だった」と明言している。
Sense of apology
◆心に響くお詫びの意を
If Abe omits the word “aggression” from his statement, he will inevitably be viewed as not wanting to accept the fact that Japan committed aggression. If suspicions are harbored over Japan’s actions and trust in Japan is shaken because of this, it will damage the national interest.
談話に「侵略」と書かなければ、首相は侵略の事実を認めたくないと見られても仕方がない。それにより、日本の行動に疑念が持たれたり、対日信頼感が揺らいだりすれば、国益を損なう。
There are strong concerns that not offering any gesture at all to the many people who were forced to endure tremendous suffering and sacrifice because of Japan’s actions before the end of the war could generate the misunderstanding that “Japan does not feel remorse for what happened.”
日本の戦前の行為により多大な苦痛と犠牲を強いられた人々に対し、何の意思表示もしないことは、「反省なき日本」という誤解を与える恐れが強い。
We can understand why many Japanese people feel uncomfortable about continuing to apologize generation after generation.
子々孫々の代まで謝罪を続けることに、国民の多くが違和感を抱くのは理解できる。
We suppose it is time to draw a line, and make this the final apology, for once and for all.
今回限りということで、けじめをつけてはどうか。
Even if Abe’s statement uses expressions that indirectly touch on the views of previous cabinets, such as quotes from the Murayama statement, it should also include words that convey sincere feelings of apology regarding Japan’s “aggression” and “colonial rule.”
安倍談話は、村山談話の引用など歴代内閣の見解を踏まえる間接的な表現であっても、「侵略」と「植民地支配」に対する心からのお詫びの気持ちが伝わる言葉を盛り込むべきである。
Or it should incorporate words of apology from the prime minister himself that will resonate in the hearts of people who suffered during the war.
あるいは、戦争で被害を受けた人々の心に響く、首相自身のお詫びの言葉を示すことだ。
Leaders of Germany, a nation that has squarely reflected on its Nazi-era past, have gained the confidence of France and other nearby countries by using heartfelt expressions, even if they did not use direct words of apology.
ナチス時代を率直に反省したドイツの指導者たちは、お詫びを示す直接の言葉でなくても、思いのこもった表現で、フランスなど周辺諸国の信頼を得てきた。
This could be an example from which Japan can learn.
そうした例も参考になろう。
Abe has spoken of his desire to issue a future-oriented statement. However, he should keep in mind that properly reviewing the past is precisely the way to ensure that Japan’s international contributions and policy of proactive contribution to peace are positively evaluated.
首相は未来志向の談話を目指したい、と述べている。しかし、過去をきちんと総括した上でこそ、国際貢献も、積極的平和主義も評価されることを銘記すべきだ。
Opinions within the government and ruling parties are split over whether the 70th anniversary statement should be issued after a decision by the Cabinet to support it. Considering that this is a statement for which the Cabinet should take responsibility, we think the Cabinet needs to make such a decision.
政府・与党内では、70年談話を閣議決定すべきか否かで意見が分かれている。内閣として責任を持つべき談話である以上、やはり閣議決定する必要がある。
The statement should confidently tell the world about the path Japan has taken in the 70 years since the war ended.
戦後70年の日本の歩みを堂々と世界に発信すべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 7, 2015)Speech
For sake of peace, world leaders should visit Hiroshima in person
原爆忌 被爆地訪問で核軍縮に弾みを
Thursday marks the passage of 70 years since an atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima. On Sunday, Nagasaki will also mark the 70th anniversary of becoming a victim of an atomic bomb during the war.
広島に原爆が投下されてから、6日で70年が経過した。長崎は9日に原爆忌を迎える。
Many years have passed since the day when a nuclear weapon was used for the first time in human history. The average age of atomic bomb survivors is now above 80.
人類史上、初めて核兵器が使用されたあの日から長い歳月が流れ、被爆者の平均年齢は80歳を超えた。
About 70 percent of Japanese people do not know the dates when atomic bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. This finding came through a public poll taken by NHK. The importance of handing down the memory of the atomic bombings from generation to generation has grown greater than ever.
今や、広島、長崎への原爆投下の日付を知らない人が約7割を占める。NHKの世論調査の結果だ。被爆の記憶を語り継いでいく重要性は一段と増している。
Rose Gottemoeller, U.S. undersecretary of state for arms control and international security, will attend this year’s peace memorial ceremonies in Hiroshima and Nagasaki — the first time for a senior U.S. government official to be sent from Washington to attend an annual ceremony.
広島と長崎の式典には今回、米国のゴットムラー国務次官が参列する。ワシントンから高官が派遣されるのは初めてだ。
In a peace declaration to be announced at the peace ceremony, Hiroshima Mayor Kazumi Matsui will call on U.S. President Barack Obama and other leaders from across the world to visit the sites of the atomic bombings.
松井一実・広島市長は平和宣言で、オバマ米大統領ら各国指導者に被爆地訪問を呼びかける。
Next spring, a summit meeting of the Group of Seven major nations (the Ise-Shima summit) will be held in Japan, and Hiroshima is slated to host a related meeting of foreign ministers. It will be a good occasion for them to encounter the reality of a place where an atomic bomb was dropped.
来春、日本で主要国首脳会議(伊勢志摩サミット)が開かれ、広島は外相会合の会場となる。被爆地の実相に接する好機となろう。
Presently, an atomic bomb exhibition, sponsored by the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and other entities, is being held in Washington, the first such exhibition there in 20 years. Included on display are a watch whose hands stopped at the time when the atomic bomb was dropped on the city, and the Hiroshima Panels, joint works by the artists Iri Maruki, a Hiroshima native, and his wife Toshi Maruki.
ワシントンで、広島、長崎両市などが主催する原爆展が20年ぶりに開かれている。原爆投下の時刻で止まった時計や、広島出身の画家、丸木位里、俊夫妻の「原爆の図」などが展示されている。
Fraught topic in U.S.
When a similar exhibition was held in the United States 20 years ago, there was controversy over what was to be displayed. The organizers planned to display some mementos of the atomic bomb victims, together with Enola Gay, the plane that dropped the first atomic bomb. But war veterans and others in the United States strongly opposed the proposed exhibit, calling it “an insult” to all U.S. soldiers.
20年前には、展示内容を巡る論争があった。原爆を投下した爆撃機「エノラ・ゲイ」と共に、被爆者の遺品を展示する企画に対し、退役軍人らが「全米兵への侮辱だ」と猛反発した。
The proposed plan fell through, and the mementos were put on display at another event.
企画は頓挫し、遺品は別の催しで公開された。
In the United States, there is a deep-rooted historical perspective that the atomic bombing brought the war to a quick end, thus saving the lives of many American soldiers.
米国では、原爆投下で戦争終結が早まり、多数の米兵の命が救われた、という歴史観が根強い。
In recent years, however, changes in that perception appear to be occurring.
近年、変化もうかがえる。
The U.S. government plans to turn facilities related to the Manhattan Project — a program that led to the development of atomic weapons in the United States — into a national historical park. Emerging as part of the establishment of the park is a proposal to put some materials related to the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki on display within the park.
米政府は、原爆を開発したマンハッタン計画の関連施設を国立歴史公園にする予定だ。そこに広島、長崎の被爆資料を展示する案が浮上している。
The idea came as the U.S. government has taken into consideration the wishes of the two cities for the park to convey correctly the realities of the damage wrought by the bombings.
原爆被害の実態を正確に伝えてほしいという両市の要望に配慮したものだ。
There are still more than 15,000 nuclear warheads in the world. President Vladimir Putin of Russia, which annexed the Crimean Peninsula of Ukraine last year, said later that Russia was ready to put its nuclear forces on alert over the crisis there.
世界には今なお、1万5000発以上の核弾頭が存在する。昨年、ウクライナのクリミア半島を編入したロシアのプーチン大統領は後に、「核戦力を戦闘態勢に置く準備があった」と述べた。
China is building up its nuclear capability. During the process of working to compile final documents of agreement at the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in May, China had some of the original wording deleted from the draft. The wording, based on a Japanese request, called on leaders and young people of the world to visit Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
中国は核戦力を増強している。今年5月には、核拡散防止条約(NPT)再検討会議の最終文書案の作成過程で、世界の指導者や若者に被爆地訪問を呼びかける日本提案の記述を削除させた。
China criticized Japan, saying it was trying to depict itself as a victim. But issues related to historical perceptions should not be linked with nuclear disarmament.
中国は、日本が被害者の立場を取ろうとしていると非難した。核軍縮に歴史認識問題を絡めてはならないだろう。
Teaching the world about the misery wrought by nuclear weapons, and linking the appeal to nuclear disarmament and nuclear nonproliferation. This is a mission Japan, the sole country where atomic bombs were dropped, is obliged to assume.
核兵器がもたらす惨状を世界に訴え、核軍縮や核不拡散に結びつける。それが唯一の被爆国である日本に課せられた使命だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 6, 2015)
■近況
2009年の9月15日に脳梗塞を発症、右手が少し不自由になりました。
MRAで脳梗塞の部位を特定でき、素早い処置をとれたので大事に至りませんでした。
快復にむけてリハビリ中です。
(2011/01/01更新)
■自己紹介・リンク
[ はじめに ]
タイのスラチャイです。
英語学習に王道はありません。
毎日毎日の地道な努力の積み重ねが必要です。
スラチャイはNHKのラジオ英語会話で現在の英語力を身につけました。
一日僅か15分の学習でも数年間継続すれば相当な学習効果が期待できます。
[ 名前 ]
松井 清 (スラチャイ)
[ 略歴 ]
・福岡県出身
・国立高知大学卒業
・準大手建設会社に就職
・50歳で会社を早期退職
・99/10 タイ全土を旅行
・00/10 タイに移住
・03/07 カイちゃん誕生
・07/06 シーファーちゃん誕生
・現在タイ国コンケン在住
[ 座右の銘 ]
Slow and steady wins the race.
遅くとも着実な者が勝利する
(NHK基礎英語芹沢栄先生)
[ 学習の手引き ]
・音読して耳から英語を吸収
・Think in English.
・ネイティブ発音付辞書活用
・英英辞典を活用(英和も)
・翻訳和文で専門用語確認
[ English Newspapers ]
Yomiuri
Mainichi
Asahi
Japan Times
Washington Post
Newyork Times
Bangkok Post
The Nations
Phuket Gazette
[ 英字新聞の英和対訳学習 ]
英字新聞(読売)
英字新聞(毎日)
英字新聞(朝日)
英字新聞(朝日2)
[ スラチャイ編集の辞書 ]
タイ日辞書(改訂版)
日タイ辞書(改訂版)
ラオ日辞書
日ラオ辞書
スラチャイの家族紹介
私の家族
スラチャイの手作りリンク集
スラチャイタイ在住9年目
中国語会話基礎(北京語)
タイ日辞典(単語帳)
タイ語の子音
タイ語の母音
スラチャイ編曲のmidiのギター曲
スラチャイ編曲のJ.S.Bachです
スラチャイの多国言語学習
初歩のタイ語
初歩の中国語
初歩のラオス語
初歩のビルマ語
初歩のシンハリ語
初歩のタガログ語
タイ語の基礎
タイ文字
タイ日辞書
タイ語の副詞
タイ語の前置詞
タイ語の助動詞
タイ語の接続詞
基礎タイ語一覧(タイ文字、ローマ字)
seesaaサイト内リンク一覧:
01 あいさつ
02 別れのあいさつ
03 声をかけるとき
04 感謝の言葉と答え方
05 謝罪の言葉と答え方
06 聞き直すとき
07 相手の言うことがわからないとき
08 うまく言えないとき
09 一般的なあいづち
10 よくわからないときの返事
11 強めのあいづち
12 自分について述べるとき
13 相手のことを尋ねるとき
14 頼みごとをするとき
15 申し出・依頼を断るとき
16 許可を求めるとき
17 説明してもらうとき
18 確認を求めるとき
19 状況を知りたいとき
20 値段の尋ね方と断り方
21 急いでもらいたいとき
22 待ってもらいたいとき
23 日時・場所・天候を尋ねるとき
24 その他
基礎タイ語一覧(タイ文字、音声付き)
サイト外HPリンク一覧:
01 あいさつ
02 別れのあいさつ
03 声をかけるとき
04 感謝の言葉と答え方
05 謝罪の言葉と答え方
06 聞き直すとき
07 相手の言うことがわからないとき
08 うまく言えないとき
09 一般的なあいづち
10 よくわからないときの返事
11 強めのあいづち
12 自分について述べるとき
13 相手のことを尋ねるとき
14 頼みごとをするとき
15 申し出・依頼を断るとき
16 許可を求めるとき
17 説明してもらうとき
18 確認を求めるとき
19 状況を知りたいとき
20 値段の尋ね方と断り方
21 急いでもらいたいとき
22 待ってもらいたいとき
23 日時・場所・天候を尋ねるとき
24 その他
タイの文化一覧:
01 雨の日にも傘をささないタイ人
02 勉強熱心なタイ人女性たち
03 タイ人は敬謙な仏教徒
04 タイの市場
05 タイの食堂
06 タイ人は外食が大好き
07 果物王国タイランド
08 タイ人の誕生日
09 タイの電話代は高い
10 微笑みの国タイランド
14の戒律(テラワーダ仏教戒律)
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第01番目の戒律
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第11番目の戒律
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第14番目の戒律
14の戒律(テラワーダ仏教戒律)
サイト外HPリンク一覧:
14の戒律解説
第01番目の戒律
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第14番目の戒律