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The Yomiuri Shimbun
Can both countries use this occasion as a turning point to improve ties?
日韓５０年式典 関係改善への転機にできるか
Can Japan and South Korea take this opportunity as a turning point to improve their chilled bilateral relations? The will and efforts of both countries will be closely watched.
冷却化した日韓関係を改善するための転機とできるのか。双方の意志と努力が問われよう。
The governments of both countries on Monday held ceremonies in Seoul and Tokyo to commemorate the 50th anniversary of normalizing diplomatic relations.
日韓両政府がソウルと東京で、国交正常化５０周年記念式典をそれぞれ開いた。
In Tokyo, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe emphasized, “Let us build a new era for our two countries together, while looking back at the 50 years of history of friendship and looking forward at the next 50 years.”
安倍首相は東京で、「５０年の友好の歴史を振り返り、これからの５０年を展望し、両国の新たな時代を築いていこう」と強調した。
South Korean President Park Geun-hye said in Seoul, “It is important to lay down the heavy burden of history issues ... As we seek to do so, our two countries can make a fresh start.”
朴槿恵大統領はソウルで、「歴史問題という重荷を下ろすことが重要だ。両国がそうしたスタートをする時、新たな未来を切り開く」と語り、歴史問題に言及した。
Japan and South Korea have been recently in fierce conflict with each other over historical perceptions, including on the issue of so-called comfort women, and over the Takeshima islands. This spring, both countries were far from celebrating the 50th anniversary of normalizing bilateral ties.
日韓両国は最近、慰安婦など歴史認識や竹島の問題で鋭く対立している。今春ごろは、５０周年を祝福するムードにほど遠かった。
Around the time when South Korean Foreign Minister Yun Byung Se’s visit to Japan was decided last week, momentum grew for both countries to compromise.
先週、韓国の尹炳世外相の来日が決まった前後から、双方に歩み寄りの機運が高まった。
With the attendance of both Abe and Park, who did not initially plan to attend these ceremonies, both countries were able to call for mending bilateral ties and to transmit constructive messages both at home and abroad.
当初は予定になかった両首脳の式典出席で関係修復を演出し、前向きなメッセージも内外に発信できた。
Park has set solving the comfort women issue as the condition for holding summit talks with Abe. She has also engaged in “tale-telling diplomacy,” criticizing Japan’s historic perception in third countries.
朴氏は、慰安婦問題の解決を首脳会談の条件に掲げる。第三国で日本の歴史認識を批判する「告げ口外交」も展開してきた。
Yet her adherence to history issues has only escalated anti-South Korean sentiment in Japan, while bringing about no positive results in the diplomacy of her country.
だが、朴氏の歴史問題への固執は、日本の「嫌韓」感情を高めただけで、韓国外交に何の成果ももたらしていない。
Ball in Park’s court
It is quite reasonable that calls for Park to change her policy have grown even within South Korea, besides those coming from the United States.
米国に加え、韓国国内でも方針転換を求める声が高まっているのは当然である。
Taking advantage of the 50th anniversary to unload “the heavy burden of history issues,” Park should review her unyielding stance of pressing Japan alone to compromise unilaterally. Such a move on her part will benefit both countries.
５０周年の節目を契機とし、「歴史問題という重荷」を下ろすため、日本だけに一方的な譲歩を求める朴氏の頑かたくなな姿勢を見直すことこそが日韓双方の利益となろう。
Prior to attending the ceremony, Abe held talks with Yun in Tokyo. During the talks, Abe told Yun: “We have various issues to tackle because we’re neighbors. It is important to hold candid talks with each other.” He thus showed his willingness to hold talks with Park.
記念式典に先立ち、安倍首相は韓国の尹炳世外相と会談した。「隣国ゆえに様々な課題があるが、お互いに胸襟を開いて話し合うことが重要だ」と語り、朴氏との会談に意欲を示した。
Meanwhile, Park held talks with former Finance Minister Fukushiro Nukaga in Seoul, telling him that the two countries “must pursue trust in diplomacy while healing the wounds of the past.” She also said she will closely watch Abe’s statement to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II.
朴氏はソウルで額賀福志郎・元財務相と会談し、「過去の傷を癒やしつつ、日韓の信頼外交を展開せねばならない」と語った。安倍首相の戦後７０年談話について「注目している」とも述べた。
Diplomatic authorities in both countries are discussing a plan to hold the first summit talks between Abe and Park, following the announcement of Abe’s statement in August, on the occasion of summit talks involving Japan, China and South Korea scheduled to be held this autumn in Seoul.
日韓の外交当局は、８月の戦後７０年談話の発表後、今秋にもソウルで日中韓首脳会談を開くのに合わせて、初の日韓首脳会談を行う案などを検討している。
There are now many outstanding matters between Japan and South Korea, in addition to history and territorial issues. Included in the issues are a conclusion of an agreement on general security of military information, negotiations on a free trade accord, and South Korea’s import restrictions on Japan’s fishery products.
日韓間には今、歴史や領土の問題に加え、多くの懸案がある。軍事情報包括保護協定の締結、自由貿易協定の交渉や、韓国の日本産水産物の輸入規制などだ。
Needless to say, a single instance of summit talks cannot dramatically improve the bilateral ties. But through a series of dialogues, the leaders of both countries will come up with ideas to advance diverse challenges. This is the role a national leader has to assume.
無論、１回の首脳会談で関係が劇的に改善するわけではない。だが、対話を重ねる中で、様々な課題を進展させる知恵を出し合う。それが指導者の役割だろう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 23, 2015)
Can both countries use this occasion as a turning point to improve ties?
日韓５０年式典 関係改善への転機にできるか
Can Japan and South Korea take this opportunity as a turning point to improve their chilled bilateral relations? The will and efforts of both countries will be closely watched.
冷却化した日韓関係を改善するための転機とできるのか。双方の意志と努力が問われよう。
The governments of both countries on Monday held ceremonies in Seoul and Tokyo to commemorate the 50th anniversary of normalizing diplomatic relations.
日韓両政府がソウルと東京で、国交正常化５０周年記念式典をそれぞれ開いた。
In Tokyo, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe emphasized, “Let us build a new era for our two countries together, while looking back at the 50 years of history of friendship and looking forward at the next 50 years.”
安倍首相は東京で、「５０年の友好の歴史を振り返り、これからの５０年を展望し、両国の新たな時代を築いていこう」と強調した。
South Korean President Park Geun-hye said in Seoul, “It is important to lay down the heavy burden of history issues ... As we seek to do so, our two countries can make a fresh start.”
朴槿恵大統領はソウルで、「歴史問題という重荷を下ろすことが重要だ。両国がそうしたスタートをする時、新たな未来を切り開く」と語り、歴史問題に言及した。
Japan and South Korea have been recently in fierce conflict with each other over historical perceptions, including on the issue of so-called comfort women, and over the Takeshima islands. This spring, both countries were far from celebrating the 50th anniversary of normalizing bilateral ties.
日韓両国は最近、慰安婦など歴史認識や竹島の問題で鋭く対立している。今春ごろは、５０周年を祝福するムードにほど遠かった。
Around the time when South Korean Foreign Minister Yun Byung Se’s visit to Japan was decided last week, momentum grew for both countries to compromise.
先週、韓国の尹炳世外相の来日が決まった前後から、双方に歩み寄りの機運が高まった。
With the attendance of both Abe and Park, who did not initially plan to attend these ceremonies, both countries were able to call for mending bilateral ties and to transmit constructive messages both at home and abroad.
当初は予定になかった両首脳の式典出席で関係修復を演出し、前向きなメッセージも内外に発信できた。
Park has set solving the comfort women issue as the condition for holding summit talks with Abe. She has also engaged in “tale-telling diplomacy,” criticizing Japan’s historic perception in third countries.
朴氏は、慰安婦問題の解決を首脳会談の条件に掲げる。第三国で日本の歴史認識を批判する「告げ口外交」も展開してきた。
Yet her adherence to history issues has only escalated anti-South Korean sentiment in Japan, while bringing about no positive results in the diplomacy of her country.
だが、朴氏の歴史問題への固執は、日本の「嫌韓」感情を高めただけで、韓国外交に何の成果ももたらしていない。
Ball in Park’s court
It is quite reasonable that calls for Park to change her policy have grown even within South Korea, besides those coming from the United States.
米国に加え、韓国国内でも方針転換を求める声が高まっているのは当然である。
Taking advantage of the 50th anniversary to unload “the heavy burden of history issues,” Park should review her unyielding stance of pressing Japan alone to compromise unilaterally. Such a move on her part will benefit both countries.
５０周年の節目を契機とし、「歴史問題という重荷」を下ろすため、日本だけに一方的な譲歩を求める朴氏の頑かたくなな姿勢を見直すことこそが日韓双方の利益となろう。
Prior to attending the ceremony, Abe held talks with Yun in Tokyo. During the talks, Abe told Yun: “We have various issues to tackle because we’re neighbors. It is important to hold candid talks with each other.” He thus showed his willingness to hold talks with Park.
記念式典に先立ち、安倍首相は韓国の尹炳世外相と会談した。「隣国ゆえに様々な課題があるが、お互いに胸襟を開いて話し合うことが重要だ」と語り、朴氏との会談に意欲を示した。
Meanwhile, Park held talks with former Finance Minister Fukushiro Nukaga in Seoul, telling him that the two countries “must pursue trust in diplomacy while healing the wounds of the past.” She also said she will closely watch Abe’s statement to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II.
朴氏はソウルで額賀福志郎・元財務相と会談し、「過去の傷を癒やしつつ、日韓の信頼外交を展開せねばならない」と語った。安倍首相の戦後７０年談話について「注目している」とも述べた。
Diplomatic authorities in both countries are discussing a plan to hold the first summit talks between Abe and Park, following the announcement of Abe’s statement in August, on the occasion of summit talks involving Japan, China and South Korea scheduled to be held this autumn in Seoul.
日韓の外交当局は、８月の戦後７０年談話の発表後、今秋にもソウルで日中韓首脳会談を開くのに合わせて、初の日韓首脳会談を行う案などを検討している。
There are now many outstanding matters between Japan and South Korea, in addition to history and territorial issues. Included in the issues are a conclusion of an agreement on general security of military information, negotiations on a free trade accord, and South Korea’s import restrictions on Japan’s fishery products.
日韓間には今、歴史や領土の問題に加え、多くの懸案がある。軍事情報包括保護協定の締結、自由貿易協定の交渉や、韓国の日本産水産物の輸入規制などだ。
Needless to say, a single instance of summit talks cannot dramatically improve the bilateral ties. But through a series of dialogues, the leaders of both countries will come up with ideas to advance diverse challenges. This is the role a national leader has to assume.
無論、１回の首脳会談で関係が劇的に改善するわけではない。だが、対話を重ねる中で、様々な課題を進展させる知恵を出し合う。それが指導者の役割だろう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 23, 2015)
PR
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Japan, S. Korea should proceed toward future by surmounting history problems
日韓国交５０年 「歴史」克服して未来に進もう
◆東アジア安定へ責任を共有せよ◆
June 22 marks the 50th anniversary of the signing of the Japan-Republic of Korea Basic Relations Treaty that normalized the bilateral diplomatic ties. In light of the paths the two countries have taken during the half century, efforts should be redoubled to address the task of rebuilding the bilateral relationship that has stagnated over the past few years.
日本と韓国の国交を正常化した日韓基本条約の調印から、２２日で５０年を迎える。半世紀の歩みを踏まえ、近年は停滞している両国関係の再構築に取り組みたい。
South Korean Foreign Minister Yun Byung Se visited Japan for the first time for talks with his Japanese counterpart, Fumio Kishida. Regarding the so-called comfort women, no specific accord was reached except for an agreement to continue consultations between Tokyo and Seoul.
韓国の尹炳世外相が初めて来日し、岸田外相と会談した。慰安婦問題については、協議を継続することで一致するにとどまった。
Concerning Japan’s bid to gain World Cultural Heritage status for Meiji-era (1868-1912) industrial revolution sites, over which South Korea has raised objections, Kishida and Yun concurred that the two countries should go hand in hand in moving forward with Japan supporting South Korea’s efforts to have historic sites from the ancient kingdom of Baekje put on UNESCO’s World Heritage list.
「明治日本の産業革命遺産」の世界文化遺産登録に韓国が反対していた問題では、韓国推薦の「百済歴史地区」とともに、日韓が登録に協力することで合意した。
Politicization of World Heritage registration should have been avoided, and the matter placed in the hands of experts on the cultural values of the properties in question.
本来、専門家による文化財の価値判断を尊重するのが筋で、政治問題化すべきではなかった。
Park urged to end bigotry
◆頑なな朴外交の転換を
In the 1965 Agreement Between Japan and the Republic of Korea Concerning the Settlement of Problems in Regard to Property and Claims and Economic Cooperation, Japan pledged to provide South Korea with economic assistance worth $500 million in grants and government loans. The accord also explicitly stated that all compensation issues were settled “completely and finally.”
１９６５年に締結された請求権・経済協力協定は、日本側が無償・有償計５億ドルの経済協力を約束し、請求権問題は「完全かつ最終的に解決された」と明記した。
In addition to the funds available under the 1965 agreement, the subsequent investments and technological transfers from Japan to South Korea contributed greatly to South Korea’s dramatic economic growth that has been referred to as the “miracle of Hangan.”
この資金に加え、日本からの投資や技術移転は、「漢江の奇跡」と呼ばれる韓国の飛躍的な経済成長に大きく寄与した。
The 1998 Japan-South Korea Joint Declaration by then South Korean President Kim Dae Jung and Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi marked the advent of a new era between the two nations. While Obuchi in the landmark declaration offered a forthright apology for “damage and suffering” inflicted on the Korean people because of Japan’s colonial rule, Kim expressed a desire for developing “future-oriented relationship” between the two countries.
金大中大統領と小渕首相による９８年の「日韓共同宣言」は、新時代を画した。小渕氏が植民地支配による「損害と苦痛」に謝罪し、金氏が「未来志向的な関係を発展させる」と表明した。
Following the Obuchi-Kim talks, the South Korean president allowed by stages the entry of Japanese popular culture into his country. Cultural exchanges between Japan and South Korea gained momentum, later leading to the emergence in Japan of a Korean pop culture boom.
金氏は韓国で日本大衆文化を段階的に開放した。文化交流に弾みがつき、その後の日本の韓流ブームにもつながった。
South Korea now ranks seventh in the list of the world’s biggest exporting countries and is a member of the Group of 20 major economies. Joint undertakings by Japanese and South Korean enterprises have been on the rise and a relationship of interdependence has deepened between the two countries.
韓国は今、世界７位の輸出大国で、主要２０か国・地域（Ｇ２０）の一員だ。日韓企業の共同事業が増え、相互依存関係も深まった。
A trip, however, in August 2012 by then South Korean President Lee Myung Bak to the Takeshima islands, and his remarks calling for an apology by the Emperor soured bilateral ties. President Park Geun-hye, who took office in February 2013, has made the holding of a summit meeting with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe contingent on resolving the comfort women issue, and she has stubbornly refused to meet with the prime minister.
だが、２０１２年８月の李明博大統領の竹島訪問と天皇陛下への謝罪要求発言で、関係は暗転した。１３年２月に就任した朴槿恵大統領は、慰安婦問題の解決を首脳会談の条件に掲げ、安倍首相との会談を頑かたくなに拒み続けている。
In reference to the speech Abe delivered in the U.S. Congress in April this year, Park criticized the prime minister for “failing to take advantage of the opportunity to make a sincere apology ... and strengthen trust with neighboring countries.”
今年４月の首相の米議会演説も、「誠実な謝罪によって近隣諸国と信頼を深める機会を、生かせなかった」などと批判した。
Resolve ‘comfort women’
◆「慰安婦」を打開したい
Fundamentally, the compensation problem involving the comfort women has been legally resolved under the 1965 agreement. The Asian Women’s Fund that was established by the Japanese government, however, made payments of “atonement money” to 61 former South Korean comfort women, accompanied by letters of apology by the then Japanese prime minister.
慰安婦の賠償問題は本来、請求権協定で法的に解決済みだ。それでも、日本政府が設立したアジア女性基金は、韓国の元慰安婦６１人に首相のお詫わびの手紙とともに「償い金」を支給している。
As long as Park ignores these facts and does not change her stance of pressing the Abe administration for unilateral concessions, it will be difficult for the Japanese side to compromise.
朴氏が、こうした事実関係を無視し、安倍政権に一方的な譲歩を迫る姿勢を改めない限り、日本側も歩み寄るのは難しいだろう。
Behind South Korea’s tough stance on Japan are the country’s growing anti-Japan nationalism, which could be said an adverse by-product of the country’s democratization, and the government’s populist policy.
韓国の対日強硬姿勢の背景には、民主化の副作用とも言える反日ナショナリズムの高まりと、政府の大衆迎合がある。
With regard to comfort women, a private organization in support of former comfort women is in the forefront of public opinion.
慰安婦問題では、元慰安婦を支援する民間団体が世論を牛耳る。
A statue of a girl symbolizing comfort women that this organization erected in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul contravenes the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, which stipulates that a host country must protect a diplomatic mission, such as an embassy. To repair diplomatic relations, the statue must first be removed.
この団体がソウルの日本大使館前に設置した慰安婦の少女像は、大使館の保護などを定めたウィーン条約に抵触する。関係改善には、まず少女像の撤去が必要だ。
Park’s pressure on Japan to have a “correct perception of history,” apparently going along with anti-Japan opinion in the country, intensifies anti-South Korean sentiment in Japan, leading to a vicious circle.
朴氏が国内の反日世論に迎合して「正しい歴史認識」を強要することが、日本側の「嫌韓」感情をあおり、悪循環を招いている。
We think that even if there are differences in views on territorial issues or historic perception between Japan and South Korea, the primary task of diplomacy is to minimize the negative impact of such differences on the overall relationship between the two countries.
領土問題や歴史認識で意見の相違があっても、日韓関係全体への影響を極小化することこそが、外交本来の役割ではないか。
We also cannot overlook the fact that South Korea’s judiciary authorities in recent years have shaken the foundation of the 1965 agreement on property claims.
韓国司法が近年、日韓請求権協定を揺るがしているのも看過できない。
The South Korean Constitutional Court has issued a ruling that called for the government to negotiate with the Japanese government over comfort women.
憲法裁判所は、慰安婦問題での対日交渉を政府に求めた。
Meanwhile, South Korean courts have handed down one ruling after another ordering Japanese companies to pay damages to South Koreans who were forced to work in wartimes.
戦時中の徴用工問題で日本企業に損害賠償を命じる判決も相次いでいる。
South Korea’s unlawful occupation of the Takeshima islands is also an issue that must be dealt with under international law and therefore needs to be settled at the International Court of Justice.
韓国による竹島の不法占拠も、国際法にかかわる問題で、国際司法裁判所で決着させるべきだ。
After the war, Japan, as a pacifist nation, has contributed to the development of South Korea. Good examples of such development are the Pohang integrated steel mill, for which engineers, including those of Nippon Steel Corp., cooperated in the construction of the facilities in the city, and the development of a subway system in Seoul.
戦後日本は、平和国家として韓国の発展に貢献してきた。新日本製鉄などの技術者たちが現地で協力した浦項総合製鉄所の建設や、地下鉄の整備は、その好例だ。
School textbooks and local mass media in South Korea seldom refer to such assistance. This is one of the factors behind anti-Japan sentiment among South Koreans.
韓国の教科書やマスコミは日本の協力をほとんど紹介しない。国民の反日感情が続く一因だ。
Worries over China, N. Korea
◆中朝にどう自制を促す
Deteriorating relations between Japan and South Korea have also become a cause for worry for U.S. President Barack Obama’s administration in its Asian rebalancing policy. To pressure the North Korean regime, led by Kim Jong Un, to abandon its nuclear development, it is vital for Japan, the United States and South Korea to reinforce their cooperation.
日韓関係の悪化は、オバマ米政権のアジア重視政策の不安要因ともなっている。北朝鮮の金正恩政権に核放棄を迫るには、日米韓の連携強化が欠かせない。
It is also a cause for worry that Park, attaching importance to strengthening ties with China, has shown signs of forming a unified front with China against Japan over historical issues.
朴氏が中国との関係強化を重視し、歴史問題で共闘する動きを見せていることも懸念材料だ。
One goal is to press for restraint by China, which is aiming to change the regional status quo by force, as seen by its extensive maritime advance. Another goal that must be pursued is to realize the peace and prosperity of East Asia over the mid- and long term. This is the time for both Japan and South Korea to share such strategic goals.
強引な海洋進出など、地域秩序の「力による現状変更」を目指す中国に自制を促す。中長期的に東アジアの平和と繁栄を追求する。そうした戦略的な目標を日韓両国は共有すべき時ではないか。
Following the conclusion of the treaty normalizing relations with Japan, then South Korean President Park Chung Hee said in the National Assembly that his country must not take the wrong path in the present and the future by adhering too much and solely to the past.
国交正常化を果たした朴正煕大統領は国会演説で、「過去にのみ執着するあまり、現在および未来への道を誤ってはならない」と説いた。
This is a sentiment that we hope his daughter, the current president, will take to heart.
娘の朴氏に、今一度、かみしめてもらいたい言葉である。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 22, 2015)
Japan, S. Korea should proceed toward future by surmounting history problems
日韓国交５０年 「歴史」克服して未来に進もう
◆東アジア安定へ責任を共有せよ◆
June 22 marks the 50th anniversary of the signing of the Japan-Republic of Korea Basic Relations Treaty that normalized the bilateral diplomatic ties. In light of the paths the two countries have taken during the half century, efforts should be redoubled to address the task of rebuilding the bilateral relationship that has stagnated over the past few years.
日本と韓国の国交を正常化した日韓基本条約の調印から、２２日で５０年を迎える。半世紀の歩みを踏まえ、近年は停滞している両国関係の再構築に取り組みたい。
South Korean Foreign Minister Yun Byung Se visited Japan for the first time for talks with his Japanese counterpart, Fumio Kishida. Regarding the so-called comfort women, no specific accord was reached except for an agreement to continue consultations between Tokyo and Seoul.
韓国の尹炳世外相が初めて来日し、岸田外相と会談した。慰安婦問題については、協議を継続することで一致するにとどまった。
Concerning Japan’s bid to gain World Cultural Heritage status for Meiji-era (1868-1912) industrial revolution sites, over which South Korea has raised objections, Kishida and Yun concurred that the two countries should go hand in hand in moving forward with Japan supporting South Korea’s efforts to have historic sites from the ancient kingdom of Baekje put on UNESCO’s World Heritage list.
「明治日本の産業革命遺産」の世界文化遺産登録に韓国が反対していた問題では、韓国推薦の「百済歴史地区」とともに、日韓が登録に協力することで合意した。
Politicization of World Heritage registration should have been avoided, and the matter placed in the hands of experts on the cultural values of the properties in question.
本来、専門家による文化財の価値判断を尊重するのが筋で、政治問題化すべきではなかった。
Park urged to end bigotry
◆頑なな朴外交の転換を
In the 1965 Agreement Between Japan and the Republic of Korea Concerning the Settlement of Problems in Regard to Property and Claims and Economic Cooperation, Japan pledged to provide South Korea with economic assistance worth $500 million in grants and government loans. The accord also explicitly stated that all compensation issues were settled “completely and finally.”
１９６５年に締結された請求権・経済協力協定は、日本側が無償・有償計５億ドルの経済協力を約束し、請求権問題は「完全かつ最終的に解決された」と明記した。
In addition to the funds available under the 1965 agreement, the subsequent investments and technological transfers from Japan to South Korea contributed greatly to South Korea’s dramatic economic growth that has been referred to as the “miracle of Hangan.”
この資金に加え、日本からの投資や技術移転は、「漢江の奇跡」と呼ばれる韓国の飛躍的な経済成長に大きく寄与した。
The 1998 Japan-South Korea Joint Declaration by then South Korean President Kim Dae Jung and Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi marked the advent of a new era between the two nations. While Obuchi in the landmark declaration offered a forthright apology for “damage and suffering” inflicted on the Korean people because of Japan’s colonial rule, Kim expressed a desire for developing “future-oriented relationship” between the two countries.
金大中大統領と小渕首相による９８年の「日韓共同宣言」は、新時代を画した。小渕氏が植民地支配による「損害と苦痛」に謝罪し、金氏が「未来志向的な関係を発展させる」と表明した。
Following the Obuchi-Kim talks, the South Korean president allowed by stages the entry of Japanese popular culture into his country. Cultural exchanges between Japan and South Korea gained momentum, later leading to the emergence in Japan of a Korean pop culture boom.
金氏は韓国で日本大衆文化を段階的に開放した。文化交流に弾みがつき、その後の日本の韓流ブームにもつながった。
South Korea now ranks seventh in the list of the world’s biggest exporting countries and is a member of the Group of 20 major economies. Joint undertakings by Japanese and South Korean enterprises have been on the rise and a relationship of interdependence has deepened between the two countries.
韓国は今、世界７位の輸出大国で、主要２０か国・地域（Ｇ２０）の一員だ。日韓企業の共同事業が増え、相互依存関係も深まった。
A trip, however, in August 2012 by then South Korean President Lee Myung Bak to the Takeshima islands, and his remarks calling for an apology by the Emperor soured bilateral ties. President Park Geun-hye, who took office in February 2013, has made the holding of a summit meeting with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe contingent on resolving the comfort women issue, and she has stubbornly refused to meet with the prime minister.
だが、２０１２年８月の李明博大統領の竹島訪問と天皇陛下への謝罪要求発言で、関係は暗転した。１３年２月に就任した朴槿恵大統領は、慰安婦問題の解決を首脳会談の条件に掲げ、安倍首相との会談を頑かたくなに拒み続けている。
In reference to the speech Abe delivered in the U.S. Congress in April this year, Park criticized the prime minister for “failing to take advantage of the opportunity to make a sincere apology ... and strengthen trust with neighboring countries.”
今年４月の首相の米議会演説も、「誠実な謝罪によって近隣諸国と信頼を深める機会を、生かせなかった」などと批判した。
Resolve ‘comfort women’
◆「慰安婦」を打開したい
Fundamentally, the compensation problem involving the comfort women has been legally resolved under the 1965 agreement. The Asian Women’s Fund that was established by the Japanese government, however, made payments of “atonement money” to 61 former South Korean comfort women, accompanied by letters of apology by the then Japanese prime minister.
慰安婦の賠償問題は本来、請求権協定で法的に解決済みだ。それでも、日本政府が設立したアジア女性基金は、韓国の元慰安婦６１人に首相のお詫わびの手紙とともに「償い金」を支給している。
As long as Park ignores these facts and does not change her stance of pressing the Abe administration for unilateral concessions, it will be difficult for the Japanese side to compromise.
朴氏が、こうした事実関係を無視し、安倍政権に一方的な譲歩を迫る姿勢を改めない限り、日本側も歩み寄るのは難しいだろう。
Behind South Korea’s tough stance on Japan are the country’s growing anti-Japan nationalism, which could be said an adverse by-product of the country’s democratization, and the government’s populist policy.
韓国の対日強硬姿勢の背景には、民主化の副作用とも言える反日ナショナリズムの高まりと、政府の大衆迎合がある。
With regard to comfort women, a private organization in support of former comfort women is in the forefront of public opinion.
慰安婦問題では、元慰安婦を支援する民間団体が世論を牛耳る。
A statue of a girl symbolizing comfort women that this organization erected in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul contravenes the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, which stipulates that a host country must protect a diplomatic mission, such as an embassy. To repair diplomatic relations, the statue must first be removed.
この団体がソウルの日本大使館前に設置した慰安婦の少女像は、大使館の保護などを定めたウィーン条約に抵触する。関係改善には、まず少女像の撤去が必要だ。
Park’s pressure on Japan to have a “correct perception of history,” apparently going along with anti-Japan opinion in the country, intensifies anti-South Korean sentiment in Japan, leading to a vicious circle.
朴氏が国内の反日世論に迎合して「正しい歴史認識」を強要することが、日本側の「嫌韓」感情をあおり、悪循環を招いている。
We think that even if there are differences in views on territorial issues or historic perception between Japan and South Korea, the primary task of diplomacy is to minimize the negative impact of such differences on the overall relationship between the two countries.
領土問題や歴史認識で意見の相違があっても、日韓関係全体への影響を極小化することこそが、外交本来の役割ではないか。
We also cannot overlook the fact that South Korea’s judiciary authorities in recent years have shaken the foundation of the 1965 agreement on property claims.
韓国司法が近年、日韓請求権協定を揺るがしているのも看過できない。
The South Korean Constitutional Court has issued a ruling that called for the government to negotiate with the Japanese government over comfort women.
憲法裁判所は、慰安婦問題での対日交渉を政府に求めた。
Meanwhile, South Korean courts have handed down one ruling after another ordering Japanese companies to pay damages to South Koreans who were forced to work in wartimes.
戦時中の徴用工問題で日本企業に損害賠償を命じる判決も相次いでいる。
South Korea’s unlawful occupation of the Takeshima islands is also an issue that must be dealt with under international law and therefore needs to be settled at the International Court of Justice.
韓国による竹島の不法占拠も、国際法にかかわる問題で、国際司法裁判所で決着させるべきだ。
After the war, Japan, as a pacifist nation, has contributed to the development of South Korea. Good examples of such development are the Pohang integrated steel mill, for which engineers, including those of Nippon Steel Corp., cooperated in the construction of the facilities in the city, and the development of a subway system in Seoul.
戦後日本は、平和国家として韓国の発展に貢献してきた。新日本製鉄などの技術者たちが現地で協力した浦項総合製鉄所の建設や、地下鉄の整備は、その好例だ。
School textbooks and local mass media in South Korea seldom refer to such assistance. This is one of the factors behind anti-Japan sentiment among South Koreans.
韓国の教科書やマスコミは日本の協力をほとんど紹介しない。国民の反日感情が続く一因だ。
Worries over China, N. Korea
◆中朝にどう自制を促す
Deteriorating relations between Japan and South Korea have also become a cause for worry for U.S. President Barack Obama’s administration in its Asian rebalancing policy. To pressure the North Korean regime, led by Kim Jong Un, to abandon its nuclear development, it is vital for Japan, the United States and South Korea to reinforce their cooperation.
日韓関係の悪化は、オバマ米政権のアジア重視政策の不安要因ともなっている。北朝鮮の金正恩政権に核放棄を迫るには、日米韓の連携強化が欠かせない。
It is also a cause for worry that Park, attaching importance to strengthening ties with China, has shown signs of forming a unified front with China against Japan over historical issues.
朴氏が中国との関係強化を重視し、歴史問題で共闘する動きを見せていることも懸念材料だ。
One goal is to press for restraint by China, which is aiming to change the regional status quo by force, as seen by its extensive maritime advance. Another goal that must be pursued is to realize the peace and prosperity of East Asia over the mid- and long term. This is the time for both Japan and South Korea to share such strategic goals.
強引な海洋進出など、地域秩序の「力による現状変更」を目指す中国に自制を促す。中長期的に東アジアの平和と繁栄を追求する。そうした戦略的な目標を日韓両国は共有すべき時ではないか。
Following the conclusion of the treaty normalizing relations with Japan, then South Korean President Park Chung Hee said in the National Assembly that his country must not take the wrong path in the present and the future by adhering too much and solely to the past.
国交正常化を果たした朴正煕大統領は国会演説で、「過去にのみ執着するあまり、現在および未来への道を誤ってはならない」と説いた。
This is a sentiment that we hope his daughter, the current president, will take to heart.
娘の朴氏に、今一度、かみしめてもらいたい言葉である。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 22, 2015)
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Farmland accumulation banks must do more to consolidate farming plots
農地集積バンク 利用促進の努力が足りない
The farmlands intermediary administration institute system, also known as the farmland accumulation bank, that was created in each of the nation’s 47 prefectures as part of the government’s growth strategy has been performing poorly.
政府の成長戦略の一環として全都道府県に創設された農地中間管理機構（農地集積バンク）の実績が低調である。
The thinking behind the system is to borrow plots of farmland from small-plot farmers and others and then rent them out in bulk. High expectations have been placed on the system as a promising means of increasing the area of farmland per farming unit.
小規模農家などから借りた農地をまとめて貸し出す仕組みで、農地大型化の切り札として期待されている。
The area of farmland leased during the first fiscal year of the leasing facilitation program, however, was no more than 24,000 hectares nationwide, compared to the government-set target of 150,000 hectares, so the achievement rate stood at a mere 16 percent. The percentage was 1 percent or less in 10 prefectures, including Tokyo, meaning the program was hardly utilized, indicating a lack of effort on the part of the intermediary administration institutes.
ところが、初年度の貸し出し面積は、政府目標の１５万ヘクタールに対して２・４万ヘクタールにとどまり、達成率はわずか１６％だった。１０都府県では１％以下と、ほとんど利用されておらず、努力不足が否めない。
If measures to make good use of the institutes are taken with the aim of aggregating parcels of farmland to large-plot farmers or companies operating farming businesses, Japan’s agricultural productivity will be enhanced and its international competitiveness strengthened. The leasing scheme can also be conducive to reducing abandoned farmland and reinvigorating regional economies.
機構を活用し、大規模農家や企業に農地を集約すれば、農業生産性が向上し、国際競争力を強化できる。耕作放棄地の縮小や、地方経済の活性化にもつながろう。
The central and local governments must try to find the causes of the poor performance of the farmland leasing system and work out measures to improve the situation and expedite its utilization.
政府と自治体は、低迷の原因を分析して改善策を講じ、利用促進に努めるべきだ。
To facilitate farmland consolidation via the intermediary institutes, the government has brought about an institutional change to enable leasing and borrowing of farmland without the permission of a relevant agricultural committee.
機構による農地集約を促進する狙いで、政府は各地の農業委員会の許可がなくても農地を貸借できるよう制度を改めた。
The area of farmland that farming companies and others said they wanted to borrow totaled 230,000 hectares, but plots of farmland available for leasing contracts were no more than 29,000 hectares. Sufficient results could not be achieved.
企業などが借りたいと希望した農地は２３万ヘクタールに上ったが、貸し出せる農地が２・９万ヘクタールしか集まらず、実績は伸びなかった。
A major factor behind the dearth of prospective lenders of farmland is that many farmers tend to shy away from leasing their plots, as they often consider them precious property handed down by ancestors for generations.
貸し手不足の背景には、先祖伝来の土地を他人に預けることをためらう農家が多い事情がある。
Boosting understanding
In addition, there are many instances of misunderstanding that farming plots, once leased, will not be returned to them. It is actually possible to have the contracts end after the agreed-upon period, such as 10 years.
１０年などの契約期間を過ぎれば貸し出しを打ち切れるのに、一度貸したら戻ってこなくなる、といった誤解も少なくない。
In Toyama Prefecture, where the achievement rate was the highest in the country at 99 percent, 70,000 copies of a booklet explaining the leasing system through manga were distributed to alleviate farmers’ anxieties.
目標達成率が９９％と全国首位だった富山県では、農家の不安を和らげるため、漫画形式のパンフレットを７万部作成していた。
Reportedly, farmers typically said they “feel at ease,” as they easily understood how the system works. This can be used as a good reference for other local entities.
農家からは「仕組みがよくわかり、安心できた」といった反響があったという。他の自治体の参考になるだろう。
Many local areas with high achievement rates used their own initiatives even before the leasing intermediary institutes were launched, such as listening to the intentions of companies and others wishing to enter the farming sector, while engaging in such activities as finding farming plots suitable for leasing contracts.
達成率の高かった自治体には、機構ができる前から農業参入を希望する企業などの意向を聞き、貸し出しに適した農地を探すなど、独自の取り組みを進めてきたところが多い。
In finding prospective lenders, it is necessary to grasp the circumstances of individual farming households, such as whether they have successors. Boosting the institutes’ cooperation with city, town and village governments is also important.
貸し手を効率的に探すには、後継者の有無など個々の農家の事情を把握する必要がある。市町村との連携強化も重要となる。
There also are many farmers who opt to hold on to their farms, even if they are not being used, because they hope to profit on future sales in the event of the farmland being converted for residential or commercial purposes. Low tax rates on farmland are fueling this tendency.
宅地や商業地への転用を期待して、使わない農地を持ち続けている例も多い。農地の税負担の軽さが、これを助長している。
The government’s Regulatory Reform Council recently came up with a set of proposals calling for such steps as raising tax rates on abandoned farmland and alleviation of tax burdens on the part of those farmers who lease their plots. These proposals should be positively considered.
政府の規制改革会議は、耕作放棄地への課税強化や貸し手農家の税負担軽減を提言した。実現するよう前向きに検討したい。
Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi’s suggestion that preferential treatment in budgetary and other matters be offered to prefectures achieving good performances in the leasing facilitation program, however, is questionable. We fear such measures would lead to wasteful use of taxpayers’ money.
林農相が、実績を上げた都道府県に予算配分などで配慮する考えを示したのは疑問だ。予算の無駄遣いにつながるのではないか。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 21, 2015)
Farmland accumulation banks must do more to consolidate farming plots
農地集積バンク 利用促進の努力が足りない
The farmlands intermediary administration institute system, also known as the farmland accumulation bank, that was created in each of the nation’s 47 prefectures as part of the government’s growth strategy has been performing poorly.
政府の成長戦略の一環として全都道府県に創設された農地中間管理機構（農地集積バンク）の実績が低調である。
The thinking behind the system is to borrow plots of farmland from small-plot farmers and others and then rent them out in bulk. High expectations have been placed on the system as a promising means of increasing the area of farmland per farming unit.
小規模農家などから借りた農地をまとめて貸し出す仕組みで、農地大型化の切り札として期待されている。
The area of farmland leased during the first fiscal year of the leasing facilitation program, however, was no more than 24,000 hectares nationwide, compared to the government-set target of 150,000 hectares, so the achievement rate stood at a mere 16 percent. The percentage was 1 percent or less in 10 prefectures, including Tokyo, meaning the program was hardly utilized, indicating a lack of effort on the part of the intermediary administration institutes.
ところが、初年度の貸し出し面積は、政府目標の１５万ヘクタールに対して２・４万ヘクタールにとどまり、達成率はわずか１６％だった。１０都府県では１％以下と、ほとんど利用されておらず、努力不足が否めない。
If measures to make good use of the institutes are taken with the aim of aggregating parcels of farmland to large-plot farmers or companies operating farming businesses, Japan’s agricultural productivity will be enhanced and its international competitiveness strengthened. The leasing scheme can also be conducive to reducing abandoned farmland and reinvigorating regional economies.
機構を活用し、大規模農家や企業に農地を集約すれば、農業生産性が向上し、国際競争力を強化できる。耕作放棄地の縮小や、地方経済の活性化にもつながろう。
The central and local governments must try to find the causes of the poor performance of the farmland leasing system and work out measures to improve the situation and expedite its utilization.
政府と自治体は、低迷の原因を分析して改善策を講じ、利用促進に努めるべきだ。
To facilitate farmland consolidation via the intermediary institutes, the government has brought about an institutional change to enable leasing and borrowing of farmland without the permission of a relevant agricultural committee.
機構による農地集約を促進する狙いで、政府は各地の農業委員会の許可がなくても農地を貸借できるよう制度を改めた。
The area of farmland that farming companies and others said they wanted to borrow totaled 230,000 hectares, but plots of farmland available for leasing contracts were no more than 29,000 hectares. Sufficient results could not be achieved.
企業などが借りたいと希望した農地は２３万ヘクタールに上ったが、貸し出せる農地が２・９万ヘクタールしか集まらず、実績は伸びなかった。
A major factor behind the dearth of prospective lenders of farmland is that many farmers tend to shy away from leasing their plots, as they often consider them precious property handed down by ancestors for generations.
貸し手不足の背景には、先祖伝来の土地を他人に預けることをためらう農家が多い事情がある。
Boosting understanding
In addition, there are many instances of misunderstanding that farming plots, once leased, will not be returned to them. It is actually possible to have the contracts end after the agreed-upon period, such as 10 years.
１０年などの契約期間を過ぎれば貸し出しを打ち切れるのに、一度貸したら戻ってこなくなる、といった誤解も少なくない。
In Toyama Prefecture, where the achievement rate was the highest in the country at 99 percent, 70,000 copies of a booklet explaining the leasing system through manga were distributed to alleviate farmers’ anxieties.
目標達成率が９９％と全国首位だった富山県では、農家の不安を和らげるため、漫画形式のパンフレットを７万部作成していた。
Reportedly, farmers typically said they “feel at ease,” as they easily understood how the system works. This can be used as a good reference for other local entities.
農家からは「仕組みがよくわかり、安心できた」といった反響があったという。他の自治体の参考になるだろう。
Many local areas with high achievement rates used their own initiatives even before the leasing intermediary institutes were launched, such as listening to the intentions of companies and others wishing to enter the farming sector, while engaging in such activities as finding farming plots suitable for leasing contracts.
達成率の高かった自治体には、機構ができる前から農業参入を希望する企業などの意向を聞き、貸し出しに適した農地を探すなど、独自の取り組みを進めてきたところが多い。
In finding prospective lenders, it is necessary to grasp the circumstances of individual farming households, such as whether they have successors. Boosting the institutes’ cooperation with city, town and village governments is also important.
貸し手を効率的に探すには、後継者の有無など個々の農家の事情を把握する必要がある。市町村との連携強化も重要となる。
There also are many farmers who opt to hold on to their farms, even if they are not being used, because they hope to profit on future sales in the event of the farmland being converted for residential or commercial purposes. Low tax rates on farmland are fueling this tendency.
宅地や商業地への転用を期待して、使わない農地を持ち続けている例も多い。農地の税負担の軽さが、これを助長している。
The government’s Regulatory Reform Council recently came up with a set of proposals calling for such steps as raising tax rates on abandoned farmland and alleviation of tax burdens on the part of those farmers who lease their plots. These proposals should be positively considered.
政府の規制改革会議は、耕作放棄地への課税強化や貸し手農家の税負担軽減を提言した。実現するよう前向きに検討したい。
Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi’s suggestion that preferential treatment in budgetary and other matters be offered to prefectures achieving good performances in the leasing facilitation program, however, is questionable. We fear such measures would lead to wasteful use of taxpayers’ money.
林農相が、実績を上げた都道府県に予算配分などで配慮する考えを示したのは疑問だ。予算の無駄遣いにつながるのではないか。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 21, 2015)
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Bill should ensure better treatment of temporary employees at firms
派遣法改正案 処遇向上の実効性を高めたい
A bill to revise the Worker Dispatch Law, over which the ruling and opposition parties confronted each other, passed the House of Representatives on Friday.
与野党の対決法案である労働者派遣法改正案が衆院を通過した。
The House of Councillors, to which the bill has been sent, must deepen constructive discussions on it to improve treatment of temporary workers and stabilize their employment.
派遣労働者の処遇向上と雇用安定のため、参院では、建設的な議論を深める必要がある。
If enacted, the bill will virtually abolish the limit on the length of time that companies can use dispatched workers. On the other hand, staffing agencies will be obliged to take measures to support temps in career enhancement, such as training programs, and to stabilize their employment by asking companies where they work to hire them directly.
改正案は、企業が派遣労働者を受け入れる期間の制限を事実上なくす。一方で、派遣会社に対し、計画的な教育訓練など、派遣労働者のキャリアアップ支援や、派遣先への直接雇用の依頼といった雇用安定措置を義務づけている。
The current law mainly aims to prevent companies from replacing regular employees in some jobs with temps.
現行法は、企業が正社員の仕事を派遣労働者に切り替えるのを防ぐことを主眼にしてきた。
Therefore, the law makes three years the maximum length of time for companies to use dispatched workers except in some specialized jobs. On the other hand, the law does not have enough regulations to protect jobs and the working conditions of temps.
そのため、一部の専門業務を除き、企業の派遣受け入れ期間を最長３年に制限している。反面、派遣労働者の雇用や待遇を守る規定が手薄だった。
As there is a wider variety in ways to work in our society, the bill seeks to move the legal emphasis from protection of regular employees at companies where temps work to protection of temporary employees. We think this concept of the bill is reasonable.
多様な働き方が広がる中、派遣先の正社員の保護から派遣労働者の保護に軸足を移す。改正案のこの考え方は妥当である。
However, the Democratic Party of Japan and some other parties oppose the bill because they say it will only increase the number of temps. They also criticize a measure stipulated in the bill to support them in career enhancement as “not viable.”
民主党などは「派遣労働者を増やす」と反対し、キャリアアップ支援なども「実効性がない」と批判している。
Enhanced govt supervision
However, the bill will put all the staffing companies under a license system and strengthen government supervision of them. If it functions effectively, this system will contribute to the betterment of employment conditions for temps.
だが、改正案は、派遣会社を全て許可制とし、政府の監督体制を強化する。制度が有効に機能すれば、処遇改善に寄与しよう。
The Japan Innovation Party helped the bill pass in the lower house. Though it opposed the bill, the JIP made a deal with the ruling parties and participated in a vote on the bill. The JIP and the ruling parties agreed with each other to work for the enactment of a separate bill proposed by the JIP and others to promote the principle of equal pay for equal work after making some revisions of it.
改正案の衆院通過は、維新の党が後押しした。改正案には反対したが、与党と協調し、採決には応じた。維新などが提出した「同一労働同一賃金」推進法案を修正のうえ、成立させることで、与党と一致したためだ。
The initial bill would have required companies to pay the same wages for temps and regular workers doing the same job.
当初案は、派遣労働者と正社員の仕事が同じなら賃金も等しくする「均等待遇」を求めていた。
But the phrase “balanced treatment” was added to the revised bill to allow companies to change employment conditions for regular and temporary workers after considering whether they can work overtime or be transferred to different workplaces. We think the revision is pragmatic, considering the reality of the corporate sector in Japan, where traditional practices such as lifetime employment and seniority-based remuneration are still strongly rooted.
修正案には「均衡待遇」との表現を加えた。転勤や残業の有無など正社員と派遣労働者の立場の違いを考慮した処遇を認めるものだ。終身雇用や年功賃金の慣行が根強く残る日本の企業社会を考えれば、修正は現実的である。
Deliberations on the bill to revise the Worker Dispatch Law took a total of 30 hours in the lower house. We praise the JIP for making concessions to the ruling parties without stringing out deliberations unnecessarily.
改正案の衆院審議は約３０時間に上った。維新が審議をいたずらに引き延ばさず、与党に歩み寄ったのは、前向きに評価できる。
What disappointed us is the behavior of the DPJ. The party opposed efforts by the ruling parties to end deliberations on the bill at the lower house Committee on Health, Labor and Welfare and used force to prevent its chairman from entering the conference room. That caused an injury to the neck of the chairman, which will take two weeks to heal completely.
あきれるのは、民主党の対応である。与党が衆院厚生労働委員会の質疑を終結しようとしたのに反発し、委員長の入室を阻止する「実力行使」に出た。委員長は、首に全治２週間のけがを負った。
Akira Nagatsuma, acting president of the DPJ, defended the obstruction of deliberations, saying, “It would not be in line with Japan’s national interests if the opposition sat quietly and let the bill pass.”
長妻昭代表代行は、「野党がお行儀よく座って、法律を通してしまうことが国益にかなうのか」などと審議妨害を正当化した。
However, this exceeded the role of an opposition party in resisting the ruling camp. The DPJ must be criticized more severely than ever.
これでは、「抵抗野党」の域を超えている。より厳しく批判されるのは当然である。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 20, 2015)
Bill should ensure better treatment of temporary employees at firms
派遣法改正案 処遇向上の実効性を高めたい
A bill to revise the Worker Dispatch Law, over which the ruling and opposition parties confronted each other, passed the House of Representatives on Friday.
与野党の対決法案である労働者派遣法改正案が衆院を通過した。
The House of Councillors, to which the bill has been sent, must deepen constructive discussions on it to improve treatment of temporary workers and stabilize their employment.
派遣労働者の処遇向上と雇用安定のため、参院では、建設的な議論を深める必要がある。
If enacted, the bill will virtually abolish the limit on the length of time that companies can use dispatched workers. On the other hand, staffing agencies will be obliged to take measures to support temps in career enhancement, such as training programs, and to stabilize their employment by asking companies where they work to hire them directly.
改正案は、企業が派遣労働者を受け入れる期間の制限を事実上なくす。一方で、派遣会社に対し、計画的な教育訓練など、派遣労働者のキャリアアップ支援や、派遣先への直接雇用の依頼といった雇用安定措置を義務づけている。
The current law mainly aims to prevent companies from replacing regular employees in some jobs with temps.
現行法は、企業が正社員の仕事を派遣労働者に切り替えるのを防ぐことを主眼にしてきた。
Therefore, the law makes three years the maximum length of time for companies to use dispatched workers except in some specialized jobs. On the other hand, the law does not have enough regulations to protect jobs and the working conditions of temps.
そのため、一部の専門業務を除き、企業の派遣受け入れ期間を最長３年に制限している。反面、派遣労働者の雇用や待遇を守る規定が手薄だった。
As there is a wider variety in ways to work in our society, the bill seeks to move the legal emphasis from protection of regular employees at companies where temps work to protection of temporary employees. We think this concept of the bill is reasonable.
多様な働き方が広がる中、派遣先の正社員の保護から派遣労働者の保護に軸足を移す。改正案のこの考え方は妥当である。
However, the Democratic Party of Japan and some other parties oppose the bill because they say it will only increase the number of temps. They also criticize a measure stipulated in the bill to support them in career enhancement as “not viable.”
民主党などは「派遣労働者を増やす」と反対し、キャリアアップ支援なども「実効性がない」と批判している。
Enhanced govt supervision
However, the bill will put all the staffing companies under a license system and strengthen government supervision of them. If it functions effectively, this system will contribute to the betterment of employment conditions for temps.
だが、改正案は、派遣会社を全て許可制とし、政府の監督体制を強化する。制度が有効に機能すれば、処遇改善に寄与しよう。
The Japan Innovation Party helped the bill pass in the lower house. Though it opposed the bill, the JIP made a deal with the ruling parties and participated in a vote on the bill. The JIP and the ruling parties agreed with each other to work for the enactment of a separate bill proposed by the JIP and others to promote the principle of equal pay for equal work after making some revisions of it.
改正案の衆院通過は、維新の党が後押しした。改正案には反対したが、与党と協調し、採決には応じた。維新などが提出した「同一労働同一賃金」推進法案を修正のうえ、成立させることで、与党と一致したためだ。
The initial bill would have required companies to pay the same wages for temps and regular workers doing the same job.
当初案は、派遣労働者と正社員の仕事が同じなら賃金も等しくする「均等待遇」を求めていた。
But the phrase “balanced treatment” was added to the revised bill to allow companies to change employment conditions for regular and temporary workers after considering whether they can work overtime or be transferred to different workplaces. We think the revision is pragmatic, considering the reality of the corporate sector in Japan, where traditional practices such as lifetime employment and seniority-based remuneration are still strongly rooted.
修正案には「均衡待遇」との表現を加えた。転勤や残業の有無など正社員と派遣労働者の立場の違いを考慮した処遇を認めるものだ。終身雇用や年功賃金の慣行が根強く残る日本の企業社会を考えれば、修正は現実的である。
Deliberations on the bill to revise the Worker Dispatch Law took a total of 30 hours in the lower house. We praise the JIP for making concessions to the ruling parties without stringing out deliberations unnecessarily.
改正案の衆院審議は約３０時間に上った。維新が審議をいたずらに引き延ばさず、与党に歩み寄ったのは、前向きに評価できる。
What disappointed us is the behavior of the DPJ. The party opposed efforts by the ruling parties to end deliberations on the bill at the lower house Committee on Health, Labor and Welfare and used force to prevent its chairman from entering the conference room. That caused an injury to the neck of the chairman, which will take two weeks to heal completely.
あきれるのは、民主党の対応である。与党が衆院厚生労働委員会の質疑を終結しようとしたのに反発し、委員長の入室を阻止する「実力行使」に出た。委員長は、首に全治２週間のけがを負った。
Akira Nagatsuma, acting president of the DPJ, defended the obstruction of deliberations, saying, “It would not be in line with Japan’s national interests if the opposition sat quietly and let the bill pass.”
長妻昭代表代行は、「野党がお行儀よく座って、法律を通してしまうことが国益にかなうのか」などと審議妨害を正当化した。
However, this exceeded the role of an opposition party in resisting the ruling camp. The DPJ must be criticized more severely than ever.
これでは、「抵抗野党」の域を超えている。より厳しく批判されるのは当然である。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 20, 2015)
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Was China’s offer of ‘high degree of autonomy’ for Hong Kong a facade?
香港長官選法案 「高度な自治」は看板倒れか
Will the “high degree of autonomy” China promised to Hong Kong under the “one country, two systems” formula turn out to be a mere facade?
「一国二制度」の名の下に、中国が約束している香港の「高度な自治」は、結局、看板倒れになるのか。
An electoral reform package for the poll to choose Hong Kong’s next chief executive in 2017 has been voted down by a majority of pro-democracy lawmakers.
２０１７年の次期香港行政長官選挙に向けた選挙制度改革法案が議会で、民主派議員の反対多数で否決された。
With this, a “normal election” in which Hong Kong’s voters directly select their leader will not go ahead. Instead, the current indirect election system — in which the leader is chosen by a committee comprised of industry group representatives and others — looks set to continue.
有権者が直接投票する「普通選挙」は次期選挙では実施されず、業界団体代表らによる現行の間接選挙が続く見通しとなった。
Although the reform bills offered the prospect of one vote for each eligible voter, only pro-China candidates would have been allowed to run in the race. We can understand why pro-democracy lawmakers voted to oppose this proposal, which they denounced as offering a “fake direct election.”
法案は「１人１票」の直接選挙とはいえ、親中派しか立候補できない仕組みである。「ニセの普通選挙」と抗議する民主派が反対票を投じたのは、理解できる。
Hong Kong was returned to Chinese rule in 1997, ending British control there. The Chinese government accepted that Hong Kong would retain a high degree of autonomy and set the goal of holding a normal election rooted in universal suffrage as espoused by Hong Kong’s Basic Law, which equates to its Constitution.
１９９７年に英国から返還された香港では、中国政府が「高度な自治」を認め、憲法に当たる基本法で「普通選挙」実施を目標に掲げたのである。
In August 2014, the Chinese government decided to introduce an electoral system in which Hong Kong residents could choose their leader in a “normal election” based on the Basic Law. However, all candidates were required to secure the support of more than 50 percent of a newly formed nominating committee that was dominated by pro-Beijing members. The administration of Chinese President Xi Jinping obviously intended to block the emergence of an anti-China democratic-minded chief executive.
昨年８月、基本法に基づき、「普通選挙」の導入を決めたのだが、親中派主体の「指名委員会」を新設し、その半数以上の支持を立候補の要件とした。習近平政権の狙いが反中的な「民主派長官」の誕生の阻止であるのは、明白だ。
For 2½ months, students and activists angered by this decision staged protests and camped in the streets. Despite this, Hong Kong’s government ignored the protesters’ demands and drew up legislation that faithfully adhered to the wishes of the Chinese government. This also became a problem.
決定に反発する学生らが２か月半、道路占拠デモを行った。にもかかわらず、香港政府がその要求を無視し、中国の意向を忠実に踏まえた法案にしたのも問題だ。
Don’t misinterpret protests
At a regularly scheduled press conference after the bills were voted down, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman said, “That the chief executive of the special administrative region’s government should not be chosen as such in 2017 is a result we are unwilling to see.” This comment also has somewhat of a hollow ring to it.
中国外務省報道官は定例記者会見で、法案の否決について、「１７年に香港で行政長官の『普通選挙』が行われないという結果は、目にしたくなかった」と語った。どこか空々しさもうかがえる。
Protests by students and activists ahead of this week’s vote did not reach the scale of the demonstrations held during last year’s “umbrella revolution.” This appears to be because many Hong Kong residents felt deep resentment toward the prolonged demonstrations, which created traffic congestion and economic losses.
今回、採決を巡る学生らの抗議デモは、昨年の「雨傘革命」ほどの規模には広がらなかった。デモの長期化による交通渋滞や経済的損害に対する一般住民の嫌悪感が強かったためとみられる。
The media manipulation and propaganda of the Xi administration — which has sought to isolate the students by portraying them as disrupting Hong Kong’s social stability — has been effective in this regard.
社会の安定を乱しているとして学生側を孤立させる習政権の世論工作も、奏功したのだろう。
It would be most unwise for the Xi administration to decide that this has quieted the voices demanding democracy in Hong Kong.
これを、香港の民主化を求める声が小さくなったと、習政権が判断しているなら、あまりにも浅慮ではないか。
Abandoning the reform process as it stands now is unacceptable.
改革プロセスをこのまま放棄することは認められない。
We are concerned that the more the Xi administration comes down with an iron fist, the more the backlash from pro-democracy activists and students will intensify. This deepening rift could harm Hong Kong’s stability and prosperity. In the end, China will likely pay the price for this.
懸念されるのは、習政権が強権的手法をとればとるほど、民主派や学生の反発が先鋭化することだろう。深まる溝は香港の安定と繁栄を損ないかねない。そのツケはやがて中国にも回るはずだ。
The Xi administration must respect Hong Kong’s autonomy and push ahead with dialogue with the students and pro-democracy activists. Unless progress continues to be made toward holding genuine normal elections, the Xi administration will not gain the wide trust of the international community.
習政権には、香港の「自治」を尊重し、民主派や学生らと対話を進めることが求められている。真の「普通選挙」実現へ、歩みを続けなければ、国際社会の幅広い信頼を得ることはできまい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 19, 2015)
Was China’s offer of ‘high degree of autonomy’ for Hong Kong a facade?
香港長官選法案 「高度な自治」は看板倒れか
Will the “high degree of autonomy” China promised to Hong Kong under the “one country, two systems” formula turn out to be a mere facade?
「一国二制度」の名の下に、中国が約束している香港の「高度な自治」は、結局、看板倒れになるのか。
An electoral reform package for the poll to choose Hong Kong’s next chief executive in 2017 has been voted down by a majority of pro-democracy lawmakers.
２０１７年の次期香港行政長官選挙に向けた選挙制度改革法案が議会で、民主派議員の反対多数で否決された。
With this, a “normal election” in which Hong Kong’s voters directly select their leader will not go ahead. Instead, the current indirect election system — in which the leader is chosen by a committee comprised of industry group representatives and others — looks set to continue.
有権者が直接投票する「普通選挙」は次期選挙では実施されず、業界団体代表らによる現行の間接選挙が続く見通しとなった。
Although the reform bills offered the prospect of one vote for each eligible voter, only pro-China candidates would have been allowed to run in the race. We can understand why pro-democracy lawmakers voted to oppose this proposal, which they denounced as offering a “fake direct election.”
法案は「１人１票」の直接選挙とはいえ、親中派しか立候補できない仕組みである。「ニセの普通選挙」と抗議する民主派が反対票を投じたのは、理解できる。
Hong Kong was returned to Chinese rule in 1997, ending British control there. The Chinese government accepted that Hong Kong would retain a high degree of autonomy and set the goal of holding a normal election rooted in universal suffrage as espoused by Hong Kong’s Basic Law, which equates to its Constitution.
１９９７年に英国から返還された香港では、中国政府が「高度な自治」を認め、憲法に当たる基本法で「普通選挙」実施を目標に掲げたのである。
In August 2014, the Chinese government decided to introduce an electoral system in which Hong Kong residents could choose their leader in a “normal election” based on the Basic Law. However, all candidates were required to secure the support of more than 50 percent of a newly formed nominating committee that was dominated by pro-Beijing members. The administration of Chinese President Xi Jinping obviously intended to block the emergence of an anti-China democratic-minded chief executive.
昨年８月、基本法に基づき、「普通選挙」の導入を決めたのだが、親中派主体の「指名委員会」を新設し、その半数以上の支持を立候補の要件とした。習近平政権の狙いが反中的な「民主派長官」の誕生の阻止であるのは、明白だ。
For 2½ months, students and activists angered by this decision staged protests and camped in the streets. Despite this, Hong Kong’s government ignored the protesters’ demands and drew up legislation that faithfully adhered to the wishes of the Chinese government. This also became a problem.
決定に反発する学生らが２か月半、道路占拠デモを行った。にもかかわらず、香港政府がその要求を無視し、中国の意向を忠実に踏まえた法案にしたのも問題だ。
Don’t misinterpret protests
At a regularly scheduled press conference after the bills were voted down, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman said, “That the chief executive of the special administrative region’s government should not be chosen as such in 2017 is a result we are unwilling to see.” This comment also has somewhat of a hollow ring to it.
中国外務省報道官は定例記者会見で、法案の否決について、「１７年に香港で行政長官の『普通選挙』が行われないという結果は、目にしたくなかった」と語った。どこか空々しさもうかがえる。
Protests by students and activists ahead of this week’s vote did not reach the scale of the demonstrations held during last year’s “umbrella revolution.” This appears to be because many Hong Kong residents felt deep resentment toward the prolonged demonstrations, which created traffic congestion and economic losses.
今回、採決を巡る学生らの抗議デモは、昨年の「雨傘革命」ほどの規模には広がらなかった。デモの長期化による交通渋滞や経済的損害に対する一般住民の嫌悪感が強かったためとみられる。
The media manipulation and propaganda of the Xi administration — which has sought to isolate the students by portraying them as disrupting Hong Kong’s social stability — has been effective in this regard.
社会の安定を乱しているとして学生側を孤立させる習政権の世論工作も、奏功したのだろう。
It would be most unwise for the Xi administration to decide that this has quieted the voices demanding democracy in Hong Kong.
これを、香港の民主化を求める声が小さくなったと、習政権が判断しているなら、あまりにも浅慮ではないか。
Abandoning the reform process as it stands now is unacceptable.
改革プロセスをこのまま放棄することは認められない。
We are concerned that the more the Xi administration comes down with an iron fist, the more the backlash from pro-democracy activists and students will intensify. This deepening rift could harm Hong Kong’s stability and prosperity. In the end, China will likely pay the price for this.
懸念されるのは、習政権が強権的手法をとればとるほど、民主派や学生の反発が先鋭化することだろう。深まる溝は香港の安定と繁栄を損ないかねない。そのツケはやがて中国にも回るはずだ。
The Xi administration must respect Hong Kong’s autonomy and push ahead with dialogue with the students and pro-democracy activists. Unless progress continues to be made toward holding genuine normal elections, the Xi administration will not gain the wide trust of the international community.
習政権には、香港の「自治」を尊重し、民主派や学生らと対話を進めることが求められている。真の「普通選挙」実現へ、歩みを続けなければ、国際社会の幅広い信頼を得ることはできまい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 19, 2015)
June 07, 2015(Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Illness does not erase a person's intrinsic qualities
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：「患者さん」に救われた ／東京
While I was seeing a patient the other day, we were hit by an earthquake. Earthquake alerts blared simultaneously from people's mobile phones. The quake registered a 4 in Tokyo on the seven-point Japanese seismic intensity scale.
先日、外来診療中に地震があった。東京は震度４、携帯電話の緊急地震速報があちこちでけたたましく鳴り響いた。
I half rose from my chair, saying, "This one's pretty big, isn't it?"
私は思わず、「あ、地震。けっこう大きいですね」と椅子から立ち上がりかけてしまった。
The patient in my consulting room smiled. "I've long worked in construction," he said, "and I can tell this building will be just fine in an earthquake this size."
診察室にいたのは、そのとき診療中だった男性の患者さん。彼はまったく動じることなく、「先生、大丈夫ですよ。私は建設現場で長らく仕事をしていたのでわかりますが、これくらいの地震じゃこの建物はびくともしません」と笑顔で話してくれたのだ。
Relieved, I finally sat back down. From that point on, the patient told me stories about his past with a sense of humor, like about the time he experienced an earthquake while he was high off the ground on scaffolding. He was probably trying to relax me, seeing that my face was still ashen from fear.
その言葉に私もほっとして、「そうですか、よかった」と腰を落ち着けることができた。それからひとしきり、その男性の患者さんは「昔、高い足場の上にいるときに地震が来たことがあって」などと昔ばなしをユーモアを交えて披露してくれた。おそらくまだ私の顔が青ざめていたので、気をつかってくれたのだろう。
Thanks to the man's kindness, I was able to finish the rest of my consultations that day without any problems. When I said goodbye to the nurses and left the hospital, I thought to myself, "That man saved me today."
その男性の気配りのおかげで、その後の診察も滞りなく終えることができた。看護師さんたちに「お疲れさまでした」と告げて病院を出るとき、私は「今日はあの人に救われたな」としみじみ思った。
Until the earthquake, the man had been talking about the various symptoms that he was suffering, and I had been the one giving him advice. But in the moment the earthquake occurred, our positions flipped. I was now the troubled one, and he gently calmed me down. You could say that as a human being, my patient had far more poise than me.
思い返してみると、地震が起きるまではその男性の患者さんが体の不調をあれこれ訴えて、私のほうが「困りましたね。ちょっと外出のトレーニングなどをしてはどうですか」などとアドバイスする立場だったのだ。それが、あの揺れの瞬間、立場が逆転して、私のほうがオロオロして、彼が私をやさしくなだめてくれた。人間としてはその人のほうがよほど落ち着いている、と言ってもよいだろう。
I am merely a doctor by occupation, and that does not make me more mature than anyone else. But it's possible that being addressed as "Doctor" all the time, giving advice and prescribing medications, has gotten me fooled into believing subconsciously that I'm more mature and composed than I actually am.
もちろん、私は職業として医者をやっているだけで、決して人格的にすぐれているわけではないことは言うまでもない。しかし、いつも「先生」と呼ばれ、助言したり薬を出したりしているといつの間にか自分でもカン違いし、どこかで「私はしっかりした人間だ」などと思い込んでいる可能性もある。
At the same time, I was reminded that people who are in the position of "patient" may suffer from a range of ailments, but that doesn't mean they've lost their intrinsic kindness and strength.
そして同時に、日ごろは体調不良や気持ちの落ち込みに悩み、“患者さん”と呼ばれる立場にいる人も、当然のことだがもともとのやさしさ、強さなどまで失っているわけではないことにも改めて気づいた。
A person is uniquely that person regardless of illness.
いくら病に陥っていても、その人はその人。
Their strong suits are still there.
持ち前の良さはそのままなのだ。
The earthquake made me reflect upon a lot of things.
地震の一件は、私にいろいろなことを考えさせてくれた。
（精神科医）
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2015年06月02日 地方版
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Illness does not erase a person's intrinsic qualities
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：「患者さん」に救われた ／東京
While I was seeing a patient the other day, we were hit by an earthquake. Earthquake alerts blared simultaneously from people's mobile phones. The quake registered a 4 in Tokyo on the seven-point Japanese seismic intensity scale.
先日、外来診療中に地震があった。東京は震度４、携帯電話の緊急地震速報があちこちでけたたましく鳴り響いた。
I half rose from my chair, saying, "This one's pretty big, isn't it?"
私は思わず、「あ、地震。けっこう大きいですね」と椅子から立ち上がりかけてしまった。
The patient in my consulting room smiled. "I've long worked in construction," he said, "and I can tell this building will be just fine in an earthquake this size."
診察室にいたのは、そのとき診療中だった男性の患者さん。彼はまったく動じることなく、「先生、大丈夫ですよ。私は建設現場で長らく仕事をしていたのでわかりますが、これくらいの地震じゃこの建物はびくともしません」と笑顔で話してくれたのだ。
Relieved, I finally sat back down. From that point on, the patient told me stories about his past with a sense of humor, like about the time he experienced an earthquake while he was high off the ground on scaffolding. He was probably trying to relax me, seeing that my face was still ashen from fear.
その言葉に私もほっとして、「そうですか、よかった」と腰を落ち着けることができた。それからひとしきり、その男性の患者さんは「昔、高い足場の上にいるときに地震が来たことがあって」などと昔ばなしをユーモアを交えて披露してくれた。おそらくまだ私の顔が青ざめていたので、気をつかってくれたのだろう。
Thanks to the man's kindness, I was able to finish the rest of my consultations that day without any problems. When I said goodbye to the nurses and left the hospital, I thought to myself, "That man saved me today."
その男性の気配りのおかげで、その後の診察も滞りなく終えることができた。看護師さんたちに「お疲れさまでした」と告げて病院を出るとき、私は「今日はあの人に救われたな」としみじみ思った。
Until the earthquake, the man had been talking about the various symptoms that he was suffering, and I had been the one giving him advice. But in the moment the earthquake occurred, our positions flipped. I was now the troubled one, and he gently calmed me down. You could say that as a human being, my patient had far more poise than me.
思い返してみると、地震が起きるまではその男性の患者さんが体の不調をあれこれ訴えて、私のほうが「困りましたね。ちょっと外出のトレーニングなどをしてはどうですか」などとアドバイスする立場だったのだ。それが、あの揺れの瞬間、立場が逆転して、私のほうがオロオロして、彼が私をやさしくなだめてくれた。人間としてはその人のほうがよほど落ち着いている、と言ってもよいだろう。
I am merely a doctor by occupation, and that does not make me more mature than anyone else. But it's possible that being addressed as "Doctor" all the time, giving advice and prescribing medications, has gotten me fooled into believing subconsciously that I'm more mature and composed than I actually am.
もちろん、私は職業として医者をやっているだけで、決して人格的にすぐれているわけではないことは言うまでもない。しかし、いつも「先生」と呼ばれ、助言したり薬を出したりしているといつの間にか自分でもカン違いし、どこかで「私はしっかりした人間だ」などと思い込んでいる可能性もある。
At the same time, I was reminded that people who are in the position of "patient" may suffer from a range of ailments, but that doesn't mean they've lost their intrinsic kindness and strength.
そして同時に、日ごろは体調不良や気持ちの落ち込みに悩み、“患者さん”と呼ばれる立場にいる人も、当然のことだがもともとのやさしさ、強さなどまで失っているわけではないことにも改めて気づいた。
A person is uniquely that person regardless of illness.
いくら病に陥っていても、その人はその人。
Their strong suits are still there.
持ち前の良さはそのままなのだ。
The earthquake made me reflect upon a lot of things.
地震の一件は、私にいろいろなことを考えさせてくれた。
（精神科医）
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2015年06月02日 地方版
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Do not abandon humanities studies in reforming national universities
国立大学改革 人文系を安易に切り捨てるな
It is important for national universities to promote their own reforms so they serve as centers of knowledge.
「知の拠点」としての役割を果たせるよう、国立大学が自ら改革を進めることが重要だ。
The Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Ministry has sent a notice to 86 national universities urging them to reexamine their overall organization and operations. In line with the notice, universities will be expected to draw up six-year plans of their operational targets, starting next fiscal year.
文部科学省が、８６の国立大学に対し、組織や業務の全般的な見直しを求める通知を出した。各大学は通知を踏まえて、来年度から６年間の運営目標と計画を作成する。
National universities have been granted a greater degree of freedom in operational and financial management under legislation designed to transform them into incorporated institutions in fiscal 2004. Nevertheless, there is no denying that some national universities are lackluster and lack distinctiveness.
２００４年度の国立大学法人化により、大学の運営や財務は自由度が高まった。にもかかわらず、依然として魅力や個性に乏しい大学があるのも否めない。
Colleges and universities are expected to function as institutions tasked with producing people who can work and act internationally or have the ability to vitalize regional communities. Therefore, we find it reasonable for the education ministry to issue such a notice, which calls on universities to clarify the strengths and distinctive features they possess.
大学が、グローバルに活躍する人材や地方創生の担い手を育成する機能への期待は大きい。文科省が今回の通知で、各大学に改めて、強みや特色を明確に打ち出すよう促したのは理解できる。
Last year’s amendment to the School Education Law has made it easier for university presidents to exercise leadership in administering their institutions of higher learning. It is essential that they provide a better environment for educational and research activities at their institutions, a task requiring them to appropriately exercise their vested authority in dealing with personnel and budgetary matters in a way that serves their strategic purposes.
昨年の学校教育法改正で、学長はリーダーシップを発揮しやすくなった。学長が人事や予算の権限を適切に行使し、戦略性を持って、教育・研究の環境整備を図ることが欠かせない。
But one feature of the ministry’s notice is open to question. This concerns the proposed reform at university departments and postgraduate schools devoted to literature, humanities and social science studies as well as teacher training. Universities covered by this reform have been urged to abolish some of their departments or convert them into ones dedicated to the exploration of fields in high social demand.
疑問なのは、文科省通知が、文学部など人文社会科学系や教員養成系の学部・大学院について、組織の廃止や社会的要請の高い分野への転換を迫った点だ。
Admittedly, one aspect of humanities and social science studies is that it is not easy to see what has been accomplished over the short term. In fact, the results of studies in these disciplines seem to be less tangible than those of science and technology studies, which are conducive to the creation of new industries, as well as medical courses that lead to progress in medical technology. In many cases, graduates from humanities and social science faculties land jobs that have nothing to do with their major fields of study.
確かに人文社会系は、研究結果が新産業の創出や医療技術の進歩などに結びつく理工系や医学系に比べて、短期では成果が見えにくい側面がある。卒業生が専攻分野と直接かかわりのない会社に就職するケースも少なくない。
Proper balance required
With an increasing number of corporations saying they cannot afford to train employees, industrial circles are strongly pressing colleges and universities to have their students acquire practical skills helpful to them when they enter the workplace after graduation. Some people even go so far as to say it would be more profitable for students to be trained to gain high scores in English proficiency tests, rather than being taught English literature.
社内教育のゆとりが持てない企業が増える中、産業界には、仕事で役立つ実践力を大学で磨くべきだとの声が強まっている。英文学を教えるより、英語検定試験で高得点をとらせる指導をした方が有益だという極論すら聞こえる。
However, it should be noted that students who explore classical works, philosophy and history will be able to acquire viewpoints that will allow them to look at things from different perspectives. Such students can also expect to develop a mental attitude marked by a respect for different values. We believe one important task for colleges and universities is to help students gain a broad range of general knowledge and deep insight.
だが、古典や哲学、歴史などの探究を通じて、物事を多面的に見る眼めや、様々な価値観を尊重する姿勢が養われる。大学は、幅広い教養や深い洞察力を学生に身に付けさせる場でもあるはずだ。
What is needed is to make sure colleges and universities conduct educational and research activities in a manner that ensures a proper balance between humanities and social science studies and those of science and technology.
必要なのは、人文社会系と理工系のバランスが取れた教育と研究を行うことだろう。
Beginning next fiscal year, the education ministry plans to grant universities larger subsidies to help cover operational expenses if they are willing to promote organizational reforms. In assessing the degree of each university’s success in such endeavors, the ministry reportedly will use such yardsticks as the outcome of students’ job hunting activities and university-launched venture activities. Another yardstick will be the extent to which progress has been made in putting intellectual property into practical use.
文科省は来年度以降、積極的に組織改革を進める大学に、運営費交付金を重点的に配分する方針だ。学生の就職実績や、大学発ベンチャーの活動、知的財産の実用化の状況といった指標を基に、評価するという。
With the government’s dire fiscal situation in mind, it also will be necessary to allocate more budgetary resources where truly necessary, and less elsewhere. However, our nation’s university education could eventually lack depth if mistakes are made in judging what society really wants from institutions of higher learning, a move that could lead to abandoning humanities and social science studies.
厳しい財政事情を踏まえれば、メリハリをつけた予算配分も大切だろう。ただ、「社会的要請」を読み誤って、人文社会系の学問を切り捨てれば、大学教育が底の浅いものになりかねない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 17, 2015)
Do not abandon humanities studies in reforming national universities
国立大学改革 人文系を安易に切り捨てるな
It is important for national universities to promote their own reforms so they serve as centers of knowledge.
「知の拠点」としての役割を果たせるよう、国立大学が自ら改革を進めることが重要だ。
The Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Ministry has sent a notice to 86 national universities urging them to reexamine their overall organization and operations. In line with the notice, universities will be expected to draw up six-year plans of their operational targets, starting next fiscal year.
文部科学省が、８６の国立大学に対し、組織や業務の全般的な見直しを求める通知を出した。各大学は通知を踏まえて、来年度から６年間の運営目標と計画を作成する。
National universities have been granted a greater degree of freedom in operational and financial management under legislation designed to transform them into incorporated institutions in fiscal 2004. Nevertheless, there is no denying that some national universities are lackluster and lack distinctiveness.
２００４年度の国立大学法人化により、大学の運営や財務は自由度が高まった。にもかかわらず、依然として魅力や個性に乏しい大学があるのも否めない。
Colleges and universities are expected to function as institutions tasked with producing people who can work and act internationally or have the ability to vitalize regional communities. Therefore, we find it reasonable for the education ministry to issue such a notice, which calls on universities to clarify the strengths and distinctive features they possess.
大学が、グローバルに活躍する人材や地方創生の担い手を育成する機能への期待は大きい。文科省が今回の通知で、各大学に改めて、強みや特色を明確に打ち出すよう促したのは理解できる。
Last year’s amendment to the School Education Law has made it easier for university presidents to exercise leadership in administering their institutions of higher learning. It is essential that they provide a better environment for educational and research activities at their institutions, a task requiring them to appropriately exercise their vested authority in dealing with personnel and budgetary matters in a way that serves their strategic purposes.
昨年の学校教育法改正で、学長はリーダーシップを発揮しやすくなった。学長が人事や予算の権限を適切に行使し、戦略性を持って、教育・研究の環境整備を図ることが欠かせない。
But one feature of the ministry’s notice is open to question. This concerns the proposed reform at university departments and postgraduate schools devoted to literature, humanities and social science studies as well as teacher training. Universities covered by this reform have been urged to abolish some of their departments or convert them into ones dedicated to the exploration of fields in high social demand.
疑問なのは、文科省通知が、文学部など人文社会科学系や教員養成系の学部・大学院について、組織の廃止や社会的要請の高い分野への転換を迫った点だ。
Admittedly, one aspect of humanities and social science studies is that it is not easy to see what has been accomplished over the short term. In fact, the results of studies in these disciplines seem to be less tangible than those of science and technology studies, which are conducive to the creation of new industries, as well as medical courses that lead to progress in medical technology. In many cases, graduates from humanities and social science faculties land jobs that have nothing to do with their major fields of study.
確かに人文社会系は、研究結果が新産業の創出や医療技術の進歩などに結びつく理工系や医学系に比べて、短期では成果が見えにくい側面がある。卒業生が専攻分野と直接かかわりのない会社に就職するケースも少なくない。
Proper balance required
With an increasing number of corporations saying they cannot afford to train employees, industrial circles are strongly pressing colleges and universities to have their students acquire practical skills helpful to them when they enter the workplace after graduation. Some people even go so far as to say it would be more profitable for students to be trained to gain high scores in English proficiency tests, rather than being taught English literature.
社内教育のゆとりが持てない企業が増える中、産業界には、仕事で役立つ実践力を大学で磨くべきだとの声が強まっている。英文学を教えるより、英語検定試験で高得点をとらせる指導をした方が有益だという極論すら聞こえる。
However, it should be noted that students who explore classical works, philosophy and history will be able to acquire viewpoints that will allow them to look at things from different perspectives. Such students can also expect to develop a mental attitude marked by a respect for different values. We believe one important task for colleges and universities is to help students gain a broad range of general knowledge and deep insight.
だが、古典や哲学、歴史などの探究を通じて、物事を多面的に見る眼めや、様々な価値観を尊重する姿勢が養われる。大学は、幅広い教養や深い洞察力を学生に身に付けさせる場でもあるはずだ。
What is needed is to make sure colleges and universities conduct educational and research activities in a manner that ensures a proper balance between humanities and social science studies and those of science and technology.
必要なのは、人文社会系と理工系のバランスが取れた教育と研究を行うことだろう。
Beginning next fiscal year, the education ministry plans to grant universities larger subsidies to help cover operational expenses if they are willing to promote organizational reforms. In assessing the degree of each university’s success in such endeavors, the ministry reportedly will use such yardsticks as the outcome of students’ job hunting activities and university-launched venture activities. Another yardstick will be the extent to which progress has been made in putting intellectual property into practical use.
文科省は来年度以降、積極的に組織改革を進める大学に、運営費交付金を重点的に配分する方針だ。学生の就職実績や、大学発ベンチャーの活動、知的財産の実用化の状況といった指標を基に、評価するという。
With the government’s dire fiscal situation in mind, it also will be necessary to allocate more budgetary resources where truly necessary, and less elsewhere. However, our nation’s university education could eventually lack depth if mistakes are made in judging what society really wants from institutions of higher learning, a move that could lead to abandoning humanities and social science studies.
厳しい財政事情を踏まえれば、メリハリをつけた予算配分も大切だろう。ただ、「社会的要請」を読み誤って、人文社会系の学問を切り捨てれば、大学教育が底の浅いものになりかねない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 17, 2015)
June 14, 2015(Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Have the courage to leave work early
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：仕事切り上げる勇気も ／東京
I am dispatched from the hospital where I work to a number of companies to check on the health of their employees. In accordance with the Industrial Safety and Health Act, I do as many interviews with employees working over 80 or more hours of overtime a month as I can.
勤務している病院から派遣され、いくつかの企業の健康管理室で産業医という業務についている。企業サイドにも立ちながら、働く人たちの健康管理に携わるのが役目だ。労働安全衛生法に従って、月８０時間以上残業している従業員の面接もできる限り行っている。
If long work hours and abnormal living habits go on for a long time, they are said to lead to a buildup of exhaustion, higher risk of depression and problems with the heart or blood vessels in the brain. With that in mind, I conduct my interviews and offer lifestyle guidance, but sometimes I feel powerless. A typical conversation with an employee goes like:
長時間労働やその結果としての不規則な生活が続くと、疲労が蓄積し、脳血管や心臓疾患、うつ病などのメンタル疾患のリスクが高まると言われる。面接ではその観点に基づいて健康チェックをし、生活指導を行うが、ときどきむなしい気持ちに襲われる。
"Are you tired?"
「疲れてますか？」
"I'm tired."
「疲れてます」
"Do you eat meals regularly?"
「食事は規則的に食べてますか？」
"I always eat dinner late at night."
「いつも夕食は深夜です」
"Do you play any sports on your days off?"
「休日にスポーツなどは」
"I don't. I just sleep."
「してません。寝てるだけです」といった会話が続くのだ。
Often, it ends with me asking, "Can you do anything to change your way of working?" and them saying, "That would be difficult."
そして最後は、「その働き方、どうにかなりませんかね」「うーん、むずかしいですね」で終わることが多い。
Lately, perhaps because of the improved economy, many people say their workloads have increased. Companies may be happy with this, but not necessarily employees. Some men tell me that due to their long work hours, they cannot help with house chores or child-raising and are on bad terms with their wives.
とくに最近は景気が上向きになってきたせいもあってか、業務量が増えたという人も少なくない。会社としてはうれしいかもしれないが、働く側にとってはそうとも言えない。長時間労働の結果、家事や育児にもまったく参加できず、妻と険悪になっていると話してくれる男性もいる。
From Japan's period of rapid economic growth through to its bubble period, many people in Japan worked overtime until late at night, believing a myth that "the harder you work, the happier you and your family and society will be." However, this led to a sharp increase in the number of suicides and depressed patients, a fallen birthrate and a lack of international competitiveness. Everyone lost out, yet once again we might be on the cusp of entering an overworking society.
高度成長期からバブル時代にかけて、日本社会は「働けば働くほど自分も家族も世の中も幸せになる」という幻想を多くの人が信じ、深夜までの残業もいとわず誰もが働き続けてきた。しかしその後、自殺者やうつ病患者は激増、少子化には歯止めがかからず、国際競争力も上がらず、誰もが損をするような結果になったのである。それなのに、また私たちは「働きすぎ社会」に突入しようとしているのだろうか。
I often tell companies' personnel divisions, "It's good that employees are working, but if they fall ill, take sick leave or quit, that is a big blow to the firm, right? Instead, I think it will benefit the company and them to let them take time off, have a good family life, and work with their body and mind at peak condition."
私は企業の人事課には、よくこんなことを言っている。「どんどん働いてもらうのはいいけれど、その人が倒れて休んだり辞めてしまったりするのは、会社にも大きな損失ですよね。それより休むときはきちんと休んでもらって、家庭も円満、心身ともベストな状態で力を発揮してもらうのが、会社のためにもなると思いますよ」
An upturn in the economy is a wonderful thing, but if more work brings better company results, hardworking people will always want to push themselves harder, putting aside their exhaustion and working until late at night.
景気が好転するのはおおいにけっこうなこと。働けば働くだけ業績が上がれば、まじめな人はどうしても「もっとがんばりたい」と疲れも気にせず遅い時間まで仕事をしてしまう。
However, studies show that that will not make you or your family happy. It is necessary to have the courage to end your day's work while you still have energy left.
しかし、それが自分や家族をハッピーにしないことは、調査結果などが明らかにしている。余力を残しながら仕事を切り上げる。そんな“勇気”も必要だろう。
（精神科医）
(Answers by Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2015年06月09日 地方版
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Have the courage to leave work early
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：仕事切り上げる勇気も ／東京
I am dispatched from the hospital where I work to a number of companies to check on the health of their employees. In accordance with the Industrial Safety and Health Act, I do as many interviews with employees working over 80 or more hours of overtime a month as I can.
勤務している病院から派遣され、いくつかの企業の健康管理室で産業医という業務についている。企業サイドにも立ちながら、働く人たちの健康管理に携わるのが役目だ。労働安全衛生法に従って、月８０時間以上残業している従業員の面接もできる限り行っている。
If long work hours and abnormal living habits go on for a long time, they are said to lead to a buildup of exhaustion, higher risk of depression and problems with the heart or blood vessels in the brain. With that in mind, I conduct my interviews and offer lifestyle guidance, but sometimes I feel powerless. A typical conversation with an employee goes like:
長時間労働やその結果としての不規則な生活が続くと、疲労が蓄積し、脳血管や心臓疾患、うつ病などのメンタル疾患のリスクが高まると言われる。面接ではその観点に基づいて健康チェックをし、生活指導を行うが、ときどきむなしい気持ちに襲われる。
"Are you tired?"
「疲れてますか？」
"I'm tired."
「疲れてます」
"Do you eat meals regularly?"
「食事は規則的に食べてますか？」
"I always eat dinner late at night."
「いつも夕食は深夜です」
"Do you play any sports on your days off?"
「休日にスポーツなどは」
"I don't. I just sleep."
「してません。寝てるだけです」といった会話が続くのだ。
Often, it ends with me asking, "Can you do anything to change your way of working?" and them saying, "That would be difficult."
そして最後は、「その働き方、どうにかなりませんかね」「うーん、むずかしいですね」で終わることが多い。
Lately, perhaps because of the improved economy, many people say their workloads have increased. Companies may be happy with this, but not necessarily employees. Some men tell me that due to their long work hours, they cannot help with house chores or child-raising and are on bad terms with their wives.
とくに最近は景気が上向きになってきたせいもあってか、業務量が増えたという人も少なくない。会社としてはうれしいかもしれないが、働く側にとってはそうとも言えない。長時間労働の結果、家事や育児にもまったく参加できず、妻と険悪になっていると話してくれる男性もいる。
From Japan's period of rapid economic growth through to its bubble period, many people in Japan worked overtime until late at night, believing a myth that "the harder you work, the happier you and your family and society will be." However, this led to a sharp increase in the number of suicides and depressed patients, a fallen birthrate and a lack of international competitiveness. Everyone lost out, yet once again we might be on the cusp of entering an overworking society.
高度成長期からバブル時代にかけて、日本社会は「働けば働くほど自分も家族も世の中も幸せになる」という幻想を多くの人が信じ、深夜までの残業もいとわず誰もが働き続けてきた。しかしその後、自殺者やうつ病患者は激増、少子化には歯止めがかからず、国際競争力も上がらず、誰もが損をするような結果になったのである。それなのに、また私たちは「働きすぎ社会」に突入しようとしているのだろうか。
I often tell companies' personnel divisions, "It's good that employees are working, but if they fall ill, take sick leave or quit, that is a big blow to the firm, right? Instead, I think it will benefit the company and them to let them take time off, have a good family life, and work with their body and mind at peak condition."
私は企業の人事課には、よくこんなことを言っている。「どんどん働いてもらうのはいいけれど、その人が倒れて休んだり辞めてしまったりするのは、会社にも大きな損失ですよね。それより休むときはきちんと休んでもらって、家庭も円満、心身ともベストな状態で力を発揮してもらうのが、会社のためにもなると思いますよ」
An upturn in the economy is a wonderful thing, but if more work brings better company results, hardworking people will always want to push themselves harder, putting aside their exhaustion and working until late at night.
景気が好転するのはおおいにけっこうなこと。働けば働くだけ業績が上がれば、まじめな人はどうしても「もっとがんばりたい」と疲れも気にせず遅い時間まで仕事をしてしまう。
However, studies show that that will not make you or your family happy. It is necessary to have the courage to end your day's work while you still have energy left.
しかし、それが自分や家族をハッピーにしないことは、調査結果などが明らかにしている。余力を残しながら仕事を切り上げる。そんな“勇気”も必要だろう。
（精神科医）
(Answers by Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2015年06月09日 地方版
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Unity key to dealing with China’s construction of artificial island
南シナ海情勢 人工島を合法と強弁する中国
China’s provocative stance toward Asian security has been brought into sharp focus at a recent international conference. The countries concerned must bolster unity to regain peace and stability in the South China Sea.
アジアの安全保障秩序に挑戦する中国の姿が浮き彫りになった。南シナ海の平和と安定を取り戻すために、関係国は結束しなければならない。
Defense ministers and military experts from Asia and elsewhere exchanged views on security issues during a recent Asia Security Summit meeting in Singapore. It was a natural development that the focus of the conference was China’s accelerated reclamation efforts around rock reefs in the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea.
アジア諸国などの国防相や軍事専門家らが議論を交わすアジア安全保障会議がシンガポールで開かれた。中国が南シナ海のスプラトリー（南沙）諸島で急ぐ岩礁の埋め立てが焦点になったのは、当然の流れである。
In a speech at the meeting, U.S. Defense Secretary Ashton Carter criticized China over its reclamation project, saying it “has become a source of tension in the region” and “the United States is deeply concerned about the pace and scope of land reclamation.” Carter thus demanded that China halt its reclamation immediately.
カーター米国防長官は講演で、埋め立てについて、「地域の緊張の原因だ。その速度や規模を深く懸念する」と中国を非難しつつ、即時中止するよう強く迫った。
His demand is based on the belief that sea-lanes might be threatened due to the rapid transformation of a reclaimed artificial island into a military base.
埋め立てた人工島の軍事基地化が加速し、海上輸送路（シーレーン）が脅かされかねない、との判断からだろう。
On the sidelines of the security conference, Defense Minister Gen Nakatani, Australian Defense Minister Kevin Andrews and Carter held trilateral talks and issued a joint statement, expressing their “serious concern” over the Chinese land reclamation work. This was extremely significant.
会議に合わせて、中谷防衛相と、カーター国防長官、アンドリューズ豪国防相が会談し、埋め立てに対する「深刻な懸念」を共同声明で示した意義は大きい。
It is necessary to disseminate widely China’s unilateral moves to alter the status quo, thereby ramping up international pressure on Beijing.
中国の一方的な現状変更の実態を幅広く訴え、国際社会の対中圧力を高めることにつなげたい。
Antagonism toward U.S.
One matter of concern is China’s blatant antagonistic stance toward the United States.
問題なのは、中国が米国に対峙たいじしようとする姿勢を露骨に表したことである。
Adm. Sun Jianguo, Deputy Chief of the general staff department of Chinese Military, rejected the U.S. demand for halting reclamation work, insisting obstinately that it “falls well within the scope of China’s sovereignty and are legitimate, justified and reasonable,”“[the reclamation work] do not ... affect the freedom of navigation.”
中国軍の孫建国副総参謀長は会議での講演で、埋め立ては「完全に主権の範囲内であり、合法で道理にかなったものだ。航行の自由には影響しない」と強弁し、米国の中止要求を拒否した。
Concerning the construction of the artificial island, Sun declared that it was for military purposes. Asked about the possibility of China setting an air defense identification zone over the South China Sea, Sun did not deny this, saying his country “will decide on the matter after making an overall assessment on how the aerial safety of the region is threatened.”
人工島の造成についても、孫氏は軍事目的であると公言した。南シナ海での防空識別圏設定の可能性を問われて、「上空での安全がどの程度脅かされているかなどを総合的に判断する」と述べ、否定はしなかった。
His statement can be taken to indicate China’s secret intention to enclose the South China Sea as “a Chinese sea” without being based on any international law, thereby eliminating U.S. influence in the region.
国際法の根拠がないまま、南シナ海を「中国の海」として囲い込み、米国の影響力を排除しようという底意がうかがえる。
Chinese President Xi Jinping aims to lead the move to build a security order in Asia through a new concept of “Asian peoples maintaining Asia’s security.” But isn’t it China that has been destabilizing the region with its self-righteous moves?
習近平国家主席は「アジアの安全はアジアの人々が守る」とする新たな構想「アジア安全観」を掲げ、安保秩序の構築を主導しようとしている。しかし、独善的な行動で地域を不安定化させているのは、中国自身ではないか。
Nakatani said during his speech, “It is extremely important to improve the reconnaissance and surveillance capabilities of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.” This was an indication Japan would augment assistance to the military and maritime security organizations of such countries as the Philippines and Vietnam, which face Chinese threats.
中谷防衛相は「東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）の警戒監視能力を向上させることは極めて重要だ」と講演した。中国の脅威に直面するフィリピンやベトナムなどの軍や海上保安機関への支援を拡充する考えを示したものだ。
Enhancing the defense capabilities of these Asian nations is indispensable to ensure the security of the South China Sea. In cooperation with the United States, the Philippines and other countries, Japan needs to press China to exercise self-restraint.
各国の能力向上は南シナ海の安定に欠かせない。日本は米国やフィリピンなどと連携し、中国に自制を促していく必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 2, 2015)
Unity key to dealing with China’s construction of artificial island
南シナ海情勢 人工島を合法と強弁する中国
China’s provocative stance toward Asian security has been brought into sharp focus at a recent international conference. The countries concerned must bolster unity to regain peace and stability in the South China Sea.
アジアの安全保障秩序に挑戦する中国の姿が浮き彫りになった。南シナ海の平和と安定を取り戻すために、関係国は結束しなければならない。
Defense ministers and military experts from Asia and elsewhere exchanged views on security issues during a recent Asia Security Summit meeting in Singapore. It was a natural development that the focus of the conference was China’s accelerated reclamation efforts around rock reefs in the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea.
アジア諸国などの国防相や軍事専門家らが議論を交わすアジア安全保障会議がシンガポールで開かれた。中国が南シナ海のスプラトリー（南沙）諸島で急ぐ岩礁の埋め立てが焦点になったのは、当然の流れである。
In a speech at the meeting, U.S. Defense Secretary Ashton Carter criticized China over its reclamation project, saying it “has become a source of tension in the region” and “the United States is deeply concerned about the pace and scope of land reclamation.” Carter thus demanded that China halt its reclamation immediately.
カーター米国防長官は講演で、埋め立てについて、「地域の緊張の原因だ。その速度や規模を深く懸念する」と中国を非難しつつ、即時中止するよう強く迫った。
His demand is based on the belief that sea-lanes might be threatened due to the rapid transformation of a reclaimed artificial island into a military base.
埋め立てた人工島の軍事基地化が加速し、海上輸送路（シーレーン）が脅かされかねない、との判断からだろう。
On the sidelines of the security conference, Defense Minister Gen Nakatani, Australian Defense Minister Kevin Andrews and Carter held trilateral talks and issued a joint statement, expressing their “serious concern” over the Chinese land reclamation work. This was extremely significant.
会議に合わせて、中谷防衛相と、カーター国防長官、アンドリューズ豪国防相が会談し、埋め立てに対する「深刻な懸念」を共同声明で示した意義は大きい。
It is necessary to disseminate widely China’s unilateral moves to alter the status quo, thereby ramping up international pressure on Beijing.
中国の一方的な現状変更の実態を幅広く訴え、国際社会の対中圧力を高めることにつなげたい。
Antagonism toward U.S.
One matter of concern is China’s blatant antagonistic stance toward the United States.
問題なのは、中国が米国に対峙たいじしようとする姿勢を露骨に表したことである。
Adm. Sun Jianguo, Deputy Chief of the general staff department of Chinese Military, rejected the U.S. demand for halting reclamation work, insisting obstinately that it “falls well within the scope of China’s sovereignty and are legitimate, justified and reasonable,”“[the reclamation work] do not ... affect the freedom of navigation.”
中国軍の孫建国副総参謀長は会議での講演で、埋め立ては「完全に主権の範囲内であり、合法で道理にかなったものだ。航行の自由には影響しない」と強弁し、米国の中止要求を拒否した。
Concerning the construction of the artificial island, Sun declared that it was for military purposes. Asked about the possibility of China setting an air defense identification zone over the South China Sea, Sun did not deny this, saying his country “will decide on the matter after making an overall assessment on how the aerial safety of the region is threatened.”
人工島の造成についても、孫氏は軍事目的であると公言した。南シナ海での防空識別圏設定の可能性を問われて、「上空での安全がどの程度脅かされているかなどを総合的に判断する」と述べ、否定はしなかった。
His statement can be taken to indicate China’s secret intention to enclose the South China Sea as “a Chinese sea” without being based on any international law, thereby eliminating U.S. influence in the region.
国際法の根拠がないまま、南シナ海を「中国の海」として囲い込み、米国の影響力を排除しようという底意がうかがえる。
Chinese President Xi Jinping aims to lead the move to build a security order in Asia through a new concept of “Asian peoples maintaining Asia’s security.” But isn’t it China that has been destabilizing the region with its self-righteous moves?
習近平国家主席は「アジアの安全はアジアの人々が守る」とする新たな構想「アジア安全観」を掲げ、安保秩序の構築を主導しようとしている。しかし、独善的な行動で地域を不安定化させているのは、中国自身ではないか。
Nakatani said during his speech, “It is extremely important to improve the reconnaissance and surveillance capabilities of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.” This was an indication Japan would augment assistance to the military and maritime security organizations of such countries as the Philippines and Vietnam, which face Chinese threats.
中谷防衛相は「東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）の警戒監視能力を向上させることは極めて重要だ」と講演した。中国の脅威に直面するフィリピンやベトナムなどの軍や海上保安機関への支援を拡充する考えを示したものだ。
Enhancing the defense capabilities of these Asian nations is indispensable to ensure the security of the South China Sea. In cooperation with the United States, the Philippines and other countries, Japan needs to press China to exercise self-restraint.
各国の能力向上は南シナ海の安定に欠かせない。日本は米国やフィリピンなどと連携し、中国に自制を促していく必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 2, 2015)
--The Asahi Shimbun, May 16
EDITORIAL: 43 years on, Okinawa still forced to serve mainland's interest
（社説）復帰の日 沖縄を孤立させぬ覚悟
May 15 marked the anniversary of Okinawa’s return to Japan 43 years ago. Never has the anniversary arrived amid such acute tension between Okinawa Prefecture and the central government.
沖縄が日本に復帰して、きのうで４３年。今年ほど沖縄と政府の関係が緊張するなかで迎えた「復帰の日」はないだろう。
Flying in the face of strong opposition from many people in Okinawa, the Abe administration is forging ahead with preparations for the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma from the crowded city of Ginowan to the Henoko area of Nago, another city in the island prefecture.
米軍普天間飛行場（宜野湾市）の名護市辺野古への移設準備を、多くの県民の反対を顧みず、政府が推し進めている。
The government and Japan’s mainlanders should heed the voices of Okinawa, which has been pivotal to the support of national security since the end of World War II in 1945 by bearing the heavy burden of hosting the vast bulk of U.S. military bases in this country. The Japanese people should not allow Okinawa to become isolated.
戦後７０年間、基地負担にあえぎながらも日本の安全保障を支えてきた沖縄の訴えに耳を傾けるべきで、国民は沖縄を孤立させてはならない。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga and Defense Minister Gen Nakatani, met separately with Okinawa Governor Takeshi Onaga in April and May for the first time since Onaga came to office in December. The three top government officials refused to hold talks with Onaga until then.
昨年１２月に翁長雄志氏が知事に就任して以来、会うことを拒んできた菅義偉官房長官、安倍晋三首相、中谷元防衛相の政府首脳３人との会談が、ようやく４月、５月に実現した。
Onaga’s remarks about Okinawa’s postwar history made in those meetings underscored Okinawa’s determination to reject the Futenma relocation plan.
その機会に翁長氏が発した言葉が、沖縄の強い意思を明確に示した。
Onaga talked about how the U.S. military, when it governed Okinawa before its reversion to Japan, seized local people’s land forcibly to build bases by using “bayonets and bulldozers.”
復帰前の米軍統治下、基地建設のために「銃剣とブルドーザー」で土地を強制収用されたこと。
The Okinawa governor also spoke about Paul Caraway, the high commissioner of the U.S. Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands during the early 1960s, who once declared that Okinawan self-government is nothing but a legend.
自治権拡大を「神話」と言い放ったキャラウェイ高等弁務官のこと。
Onaga also referred to the 1956 U.S. attempt for an effective blanket purchase of the local land leased for bases, made in line with what is known as the “Price Recommendations” by Rep. Melvin Price, who chaired a special subcommittee of the Armed Services Committee.
軍用地の一括買い上げを狙ったプライス勧告のこと。
Onaga’s words awakened bitter memories about these historical facts that still linger in the minds of the people in Okinawa and highlighted parallels between these incidents and the Abe administration’s approach to the Futenma issue.
翁長氏は県民にわだかまる記憶を次々とすくい上げ、現政権と二重写しにしてみせた。
Onaga’s remarks expressed anger about how the central government has continued to ignore Okinawa’s determined opposition to the base relocation plan, which was made clear in three elections last year--the Nago mayoral election, the gubernatorial poll and the Lower House election. They also indicated that Okinawa’s actions against the administration’s efforts to carry out the plan are similar in nature to Okinawa’s fight for the right of self-government under U.S. military rule.
翁長氏の発言は、昨年の名護市長選、県知事選、総選挙と繰り返し示された辺野古移設反対の民意が無視され続けていることへの怒り、そして今の沖縄の政府に向けた行動が米軍政下の自治権獲得闘争と同質であるとの見解の表明である。
In his meeting with Nakatani, Onaga recounted an episode about his discussions on the issue with an Upper House member of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party two years ago when he was the mayor of Naha. Onaga severely criticized the mainland’s mind-set by telling Nakatani that the LDP politician said Okinawa should accept the new base because the mainland refused to accept it. The LDP lawmaker also said to Onaga, “Let us stop futile discussions.”
中谷防衛相との会談では、翁長氏が那覇市長時代の２年前、自民党の参院議員から「本土が（基地受け入れを）嫌だと言っているのだから、沖縄が受けるのは当たり前だ。不毛な議論はやめよう」という言葉を投げかけられた経験を明かし、本土側の意識を痛烈に批判した。
It is notable that the series of meetings between Onaga and the top administration officials have aroused sympathy for Okinawa among the Japanese public.
一連の会談をきっかけに、国内世論が次第に沖縄に共感を示し始めたことは注目される。
In a clutch of opinion polls recently conducted by The Asahi Shimbun and other media, more respondents than before expressed critical views about the administration’s stance toward the issue.
朝日新聞など多くの報道機関の世論調査でも、政府の姿勢を評価しないとする声が増えた。
The mainland public’s interest in the problem appears to be growing, as indicated by internationally acclaimed animation director Hayao Miyazaki’s decision to co-head a fund set up by prefectural assembly members and local businesses to protest the plan to move the air base to Henoko.
移設阻止を訴えるために県議や地元経済界が設立した「辺野古基金」の共同代表に映画監督の宮崎駿氏らが就くなど、問題への関心が高まっている。
Onaga plans to make his case to a broad international audience, including the U.S. government.
翁長知事は今後、米政府をはじめ国際世論にも広く働きかける戦略を描く。
Okinawa’s wish to be treated equally as the mainland has been consistently denied, even after its return to Japan.
復帰後も、「本土並み」という願いは踏みにじられてきた。
Chobyo Yara, the last chief executive of the government of the Ryukyu Islands under U.S. administration and the first governor of the prefecture after the return of Okinawa, once said. “Okinawa must not be victimized again as a means of the state.”
「沖縄が再び国の手段として犠牲になってはならない」。琉球政府主席で復帰直後の沖縄県知事、屋良朝苗（やらちょうびょう）氏はこう訴えたという。
One serious question Japanese mainlanders should ask themselves now is whether they are again trying to victimize Okinawa for the mainland’s interests.
今またわれわれは沖縄を犠牲にしようとしていないか。本土の国民は改めてこの問いを受け止める必要がある。
EDITORIAL: 43 years on, Okinawa still forced to serve mainland's interest
（社説）復帰の日 沖縄を孤立させぬ覚悟
May 15 marked the anniversary of Okinawa’s return to Japan 43 years ago. Never has the anniversary arrived amid such acute tension between Okinawa Prefecture and the central government.
沖縄が日本に復帰して、きのうで４３年。今年ほど沖縄と政府の関係が緊張するなかで迎えた「復帰の日」はないだろう。
Flying in the face of strong opposition from many people in Okinawa, the Abe administration is forging ahead with preparations for the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma from the crowded city of Ginowan to the Henoko area of Nago, another city in the island prefecture.
米軍普天間飛行場（宜野湾市）の名護市辺野古への移設準備を、多くの県民の反対を顧みず、政府が推し進めている。
The government and Japan’s mainlanders should heed the voices of Okinawa, which has been pivotal to the support of national security since the end of World War II in 1945 by bearing the heavy burden of hosting the vast bulk of U.S. military bases in this country. The Japanese people should not allow Okinawa to become isolated.
戦後７０年間、基地負担にあえぎながらも日本の安全保障を支えてきた沖縄の訴えに耳を傾けるべきで、国民は沖縄を孤立させてはならない。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga and Defense Minister Gen Nakatani, met separately with Okinawa Governor Takeshi Onaga in April and May for the first time since Onaga came to office in December. The three top government officials refused to hold talks with Onaga until then.
昨年１２月に翁長雄志氏が知事に就任して以来、会うことを拒んできた菅義偉官房長官、安倍晋三首相、中谷元防衛相の政府首脳３人との会談が、ようやく４月、５月に実現した。
Onaga’s remarks about Okinawa’s postwar history made in those meetings underscored Okinawa’s determination to reject the Futenma relocation plan.
その機会に翁長氏が発した言葉が、沖縄の強い意思を明確に示した。
Onaga talked about how the U.S. military, when it governed Okinawa before its reversion to Japan, seized local people’s land forcibly to build bases by using “bayonets and bulldozers.”
復帰前の米軍統治下、基地建設のために「銃剣とブルドーザー」で土地を強制収用されたこと。
The Okinawa governor also spoke about Paul Caraway, the high commissioner of the U.S. Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands during the early 1960s, who once declared that Okinawan self-government is nothing but a legend.
自治権拡大を「神話」と言い放ったキャラウェイ高等弁務官のこと。
Onaga also referred to the 1956 U.S. attempt for an effective blanket purchase of the local land leased for bases, made in line with what is known as the “Price Recommendations” by Rep. Melvin Price, who chaired a special subcommittee of the Armed Services Committee.
軍用地の一括買い上げを狙ったプライス勧告のこと。
Onaga’s words awakened bitter memories about these historical facts that still linger in the minds of the people in Okinawa and highlighted parallels between these incidents and the Abe administration’s approach to the Futenma issue.
翁長氏は県民にわだかまる記憶を次々とすくい上げ、現政権と二重写しにしてみせた。
Onaga’s remarks expressed anger about how the central government has continued to ignore Okinawa’s determined opposition to the base relocation plan, which was made clear in three elections last year--the Nago mayoral election, the gubernatorial poll and the Lower House election. They also indicated that Okinawa’s actions against the administration’s efforts to carry out the plan are similar in nature to Okinawa’s fight for the right of self-government under U.S. military rule.
翁長氏の発言は、昨年の名護市長選、県知事選、総選挙と繰り返し示された辺野古移設反対の民意が無視され続けていることへの怒り、そして今の沖縄の政府に向けた行動が米軍政下の自治権獲得闘争と同質であるとの見解の表明である。
In his meeting with Nakatani, Onaga recounted an episode about his discussions on the issue with an Upper House member of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party two years ago when he was the mayor of Naha. Onaga severely criticized the mainland’s mind-set by telling Nakatani that the LDP politician said Okinawa should accept the new base because the mainland refused to accept it. The LDP lawmaker also said to Onaga, “Let us stop futile discussions.”
中谷防衛相との会談では、翁長氏が那覇市長時代の２年前、自民党の参院議員から「本土が（基地受け入れを）嫌だと言っているのだから、沖縄が受けるのは当たり前だ。不毛な議論はやめよう」という言葉を投げかけられた経験を明かし、本土側の意識を痛烈に批判した。
It is notable that the series of meetings between Onaga and the top administration officials have aroused sympathy for Okinawa among the Japanese public.
一連の会談をきっかけに、国内世論が次第に沖縄に共感を示し始めたことは注目される。
In a clutch of opinion polls recently conducted by The Asahi Shimbun and other media, more respondents than before expressed critical views about the administration’s stance toward the issue.
朝日新聞など多くの報道機関の世論調査でも、政府の姿勢を評価しないとする声が増えた。
The mainland public’s interest in the problem appears to be growing, as indicated by internationally acclaimed animation director Hayao Miyazaki’s decision to co-head a fund set up by prefectural assembly members and local businesses to protest the plan to move the air base to Henoko.
移設阻止を訴えるために県議や地元経済界が設立した「辺野古基金」の共同代表に映画監督の宮崎駿氏らが就くなど、問題への関心が高まっている。
Onaga plans to make his case to a broad international audience, including the U.S. government.
翁長知事は今後、米政府をはじめ国際世論にも広く働きかける戦略を描く。
Okinawa’s wish to be treated equally as the mainland has been consistently denied, even after its return to Japan.
復帰後も、「本土並み」という願いは踏みにじられてきた。
Chobyo Yara, the last chief executive of the government of the Ryukyu Islands under U.S. administration and the first governor of the prefecture after the return of Okinawa, once said. “Okinawa must not be victimized again as a means of the state.”
「沖縄が再び国の手段として犠牲になってはならない」。琉球政府主席で復帰直後の沖縄県知事、屋良朝苗（やらちょうびょう）氏はこう訴えたという。
One serious question Japanese mainlanders should ask themselves now is whether they are again trying to victimize Okinawa for the mainland’s interests.
今またわれわれは沖縄を犠牲にしようとしていないか。本土の国民は改めてこの問いを受け止める必要がある。
プロフィール
ＨＮ：
srachai
ＨＰ：
性別：
男性
職業：
civil engineer
趣味：
子育て
自己紹介：
妻はタイ人、娘ばかり３人も！
■近況
２００９年の９月１５日に脳梗塞を発症、右手が少し不自由になりました。
MRAで脳梗塞の部位を特定でき、素早い処置をとれたので大事に至りませんでした。
快復にむけてリハビリ中です。
(2011/01/01更新)
■自己紹介・リンク
[ はじめに ]
タイのスラチャイです。
英語学習に王道はありません。
毎日毎日の地道な努力の積み重ねが必要です。
スラチャイはＮＨＫのラジオ英語会話で現在の英語力を身につけました。
一日僅か１５分の学習でも数年間継続すれば相当な学習効果が期待できます。
[ 名前 ]
松井 清 （スラチャイ）
[ 略歴 ]
・福岡県出身
・国立高知大学卒業
・準大手建設会社に就職
・50歳で会社を早期退職
・99/10 タイ全土を旅行
・00/10 タイに移住
・03/07 カイちゃん誕生
・07/06 シーファーちゃん誕生
・現在タイ国コンケン在住
[ 座右の銘 ]
Slow and steady wins the race.
遅くとも着実な者が勝利する
（NHK基礎英語芹沢栄先生）
[ 学習の手引き ]
・音読して耳から英語を吸収
・Think in English.
・ネイティブ発音付辞書活用
・英英辞典を活用（英和も）
・翻訳和文で専門用語確認
[ English Newspapers ]
Yomiuri
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Washington Post
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The Nations
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[ 英字新聞の英和対訳学習 ]
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17 説明してもらうとき
18 確認を求めるとき
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